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3 1833 00668 9373 

Gc 941 . 00 05 Scol p v, 2 6 

Diary of Sir Archibald 
Johnston, Lord War is ton 







December 1896 

This Volume is presented to the members 

of the Scottish History Society by 

T. and A. Constable 

December 1896 

from the portrait by Jaincsone in the /'Osscsiiun of Sir Jdiita Gibson-Crai^, Bari. 











Printed at the University Press by T. and A. Constable 

for the Scottish History Society 


P ^ V 


J 1389456 


February 1896 

^^" ' The Secretary read a letter . . . making offer on behalf 
' of Messrs. T. and A. Constable to print at their own 
' ' cost, and to present to the Society, in October next, a 
' volume of Miscellanies, in commemoration of the Tenth 
' Anniversary of the Society's institution. The offer was 
' cordially accepted, and the Chairman was requested to 
' convey to Messrs. Constable the CounciPs appreciation of 

' the generous gift.' T. G. L. 

Hon. Sec. 



TON, 16.39, Edited by George M. Paul 1 

IN DuNNOTTAR Castle, 1651-1652, 

Edited hxj Charles R. A. Howden 99 



Edited by The Hon. Stuart Erskine 139 


Edited by J. R. N. Macphail 249 




MAY 2 I -JUNE 25 


Edited from the Original Manuscript with 

Introduction and Notes by 


M.A., F.S.A. SCOT. 


WoDROw relates^ that Mr. Ridpath^ informed him that he 
had been ' imployed by Secretary Johnstoun to goe throu his 
' father, my Lord Wariston's papers, and put them in order ; 
' which he spent severall dayes and weeks upon. That amongst 
' other papers of the greatest value to the Church of Scotland, 
' he fell upon my Lord Wariston''s Dyary, which he sayes he read 
' over. There is a great deal of it, and all bound up in difFer- 
' ent boundels. It conteans many valuable passages with 
* relation to the history of these times, noe where else to be 
' found."" Secretary Johnston lived during the latter years of 
his life at Twickenham, and died in May 1737. What became 
of his papers after his death is not known ; and probably his 
father's Diary is irretrievably lost. A fragment has fortunately 
been preserved in a separate manuscript volume. It covers 
the short period of thirty-six days, from the 21st of May to 
the 25th of June 1639, and contains the details of the nego- 
tiations which ended in the pacification of Berwick, and the 
conclusion of the first Bishops' War. 

The manuscript was submitted to this Society by its owner, 
Mr. Maxtone Graham of Cultoquhey and Redgorton, the 
nephew and heir of the late Mr. Robert Graham of Balgowan, 

^ Afialecta, ii. 218. 

- Mr. George Ridpath was a well-known political writer in the reigns of King 
William in. and Queen Anne. He was the translator from the Latin ms. of 
Sir Thomas Craig's Treatise against the Eight of the Crown of England to 
Homage from the Kingdom of Scotland, 1695, which he dedicated to Secretary 
Johnston ; and he was the author of an Account of the Rights and Powers of 
the Parlia7ne7it of Scotland, 1705, to which Secretary Johnston is said to have 
written the Preface. — Atwood's The Scotch Patriot Unmasked, 1705 ; Wodrow, 
Analecta, ii. 267. See also Carstares' State Papers, 216. 


in whose library it was found. Nothing is known of its history 
prior to its discovery in Mr. Graham's library. It is contained 
in a small folio which is bound in white vellum, eleven and 
a half inches long, by eight and three quarters broad, and 
has attached to it the roots of four vellum strings or ties. 
The volume is written from both ends — the Diary being 
written from one end, and some interesting miscellaneous 
notes and papers from the other. On the front page of this 
end is written in Wariston's handwriting, ' The names of the 
books q^. I talk to the airmee with me.' Then follow: 1. 
' Memorandum of paperis takine with me to the Campe in 
' July 1640."' 2. ' The new and constant plote of planting 
' the whole kirks of Scotland penned to be presented to the 
' Kinge and the estaits in anno 1596."' This extends to 
eleven and a half closely written pages. 3. ' Ane schort note 
' of the decisiones and interloquitors given be the Lords of 
' Counsell since the moneth of Januar IGlO.' The latest date 
is 30th July 1646. The cases are arranged in alphabetical 
order according to the subjects, and are reported very briefly. 
There are sundry markings on the margin in Wariston's hand- 
writing. This digest occupies ninety-seven pages. 4. Notes 
from 'the books of the register of Session beginning 4th 
February 1531,' and ending on 1st February 1545. This 
occupies sixteen pages. 5. Papers relating to the scheme for 
' the erecting of a comon fishing ' for England and Scotland in 
1630. They contain notes upon the Fishery Laws of some of 
the Continental nations. 6. Some notes entitled ' Avisandum 
anent the Union.' 7. Acts and orders of the Commissioners 
for administration of justice in Scotland, 27th June 1655 to 
8th November 1656. 

The Diary, which is the only writing from the other end of 
the book, is written in a small but neat and legible seventeenth 
century hand. It is not that of Wariston, but it is abundantly 
clear from internal evidence that the Diary was his. 

During the whole of the eventful period, from the uprising 


of the Scottish people against the Service Book and the 
Bishops in 1637 until the Restoration, Sir Archibald John- 
ston of Wariston (Lord Wariston) was in the very front rank 
of the Presbyterian party. He was perhaps the most remark- 
able Scotsman of that very troubled period of British history. 

The family to which he belonged seems to liave been an 
offshoot from the noble house of Annandale.^ He has been 
described as a son of James Johnston of Beirholm in Dumfries- 
shire, but that was not so. In 1608 James Johnestoun, who is 
described as ' of Beirholme,'' was served heir of Gavin Johne- 
stoun ' in ' (i.e. tenant of) ' Kirkton of Kirkpatrick Juxta ' in 
Dumfriesshire, his grandfather, and heir of his father, ' James 
Johnestoun, in " (i.e. tenant of) ' Midilgill."' ^ Neither grand- 
father nor father is described as ' of Beirholm."' How or when 
James Johnston became possessed of Beirholm does not appear, 
but it seems clear that he did not inherit it from either of 
them. And from what follows it will be seen that he was not 
Wariston''s father, although he may have been a relation. 

Archibald Johnestoun (Wariston\s grandfather) was a native 
of Kirkpatrick Juxta. By his will ^ he left ' ane hundreth 
' merks to help the repairing and completing of ye kirk callit 
' Kirkpatrick Juxta, where my predecessors'" bonis lyes."" 

This Archibald Johnestoun was an eminent merchant and 
leading citizen of Edinburgh during a considerable part of the 
reign of James vi. On 22nd April 1589 the King wrote to 
Archibald Douglas, thanking him ' for his services in behalf of 
' Archibald Johnestoun, son-in-law of the Provost of Edin- 
' burgh ' ; * and on 31st May 1595, he wrote to Queen Elizabeth 

^ He, as well as his uncle Johnston of Hilton in Berwickshire, carried the 
principal arms of the Annandale family, but for a difference engrailed the 
saltier. — Nisbet, i. 144 ; Tke British Herald, by Robson, vol. ii. voce Johnston. 

The Editor unfortunately did not see The Annandale Family Book, by Sir 
William Fraser, K.C.B, , until this Introduction was written. Portions of 
Wariston's family history which follow, and which have been collected from the 
original sources, will be found in that work. 

2 Printed Special Retours, Dumfriesshire, 28th April 1608, Nos. 51, 52. 

* Register of Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 28th April 1619. 

■* Historical Manuscripts, Hatfield Collection, iii. 407. 


soliciting her good offices with reference to a suit in which 
Archibald Johnestoun was engaged before her Council.^ 
Bishop Burnet, his great-grandson, described him as ' the 
greatest merchant'' of his time, and said that he left to his 
wife an estate of cfSOOO a year, a large fortune in those days, 
' to be disposed of among his children as she pleased,' '^ By his 
will he bequeathed a legacy to the University of Edinburgh, 
which still has a bursary of dS'll, 2s. 2d, sterling, a year, bearing 
his name,^ His wife was Rachel Arnot, a daughter of Sir 
John Arnot of Birswick, who was Lord Provost of Edinburgh 
from 1587 till 1589, and for some years Treasurer-Depute, and 
a Privy Councillor, Sir John Arnot is said by Burnet to have 
been ' a man in great favour,' * Rachel Arnot died on 20th 
March 1626,^ 

Archibald Johnestoun and Rachel Arnot had three sons and 
two daughters, viz, : 1, James, a merchant burgess of Edin- 
burgh, who married Elizabeth Craig, second daughter of Sir 
Thomas Craig of Riccarton, the most eminent lawyer of his 
time, and author of the very learned Latin treatise on Feudal 
Law.^ 2, Samuel, who was an advocate, succeeded on the 

^ Historical Manuscripts, Hatfield Collection, v, 223. 

- Burnet's History of his own Titne, 8vo. vol. i. p. 31. 

' Register of Confd. Test., ut supra; Edinburgh University Calendar, 1895-6, 
pp. 329-333. '• Burnet, tU supra. 

^ Register of Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 23rd August 1626. 

^ Her mother's name was Helen Heriot. Tytler and others, following the 
Biography of Craig prefixed to the third edition of they«j- Feudale, have errone- 
ously described her as daughter of Heriot, Laird of Trabroun. She was second 
daughter of Robert Heriot of Lumphoy or Lymphoy, an estate in the parish 
of Currie, near to Craig's estate of Riccarton. The mansion-house of the old 
estate is now in ruins, and is called Lennox Tower. Robert Heriot was also 
rentaller under the Archbishop of Glasgow of the lands of Ramshorn, Meadow- 
flat, and Cardarroch. Helen Swinton, his wife, was probably the eldest 
daughter of John Swinton of that Ilk (Douglas Baronage, p. 130). Heriot's eldest 
daughter and heiress was Agnes, wife of James Foulis, Baron of Colinton. Helen 
Swinton, after Robert Heriot's death, married Edward Henryson, a learned 
Doctor of Laws, to whom she had a son. Sir Thomas Henryson, Lord Chesters 
in the Court of Session. See Reg. Eccl. Colleg. Sancte. Trinit. Edinburgh, pp. 
118-132 ; Netv Statist. Account, ' Currie,' 546 ; also Diocesan Register of Glasgow, 
Grampian Club, vol. i. pp. 161-172 ; Brown's Monumental Inscriptions in 
Greyfriars Churchyard, Edinburgh (Henryson), p. 76. 


death of his mother to the property of Sheens (Sciennes), now 
part of Edinburgh, and to the estate of Dunglass in Berwick- 
shire. 3. Joseph, who succeeded to the estate of Hilton in 
Berwickshire, was founder of the family of Johnston of Hilton 
in that county.^ 4. Rachel, married (first) John Jaksone,^ 
and (secondly) Sir William Bruce of Stenhouse, whom she 
survived.^ 5. Jonet, married (first) Sir James Skene of Currie- 
hill, Lord President of the Court of Session from 1626 till 
1633 ; and (secondly) James Inglis of Ingliston.* 

James Johnston, the eldest son,^ and Elizabeth Craig had 
eight children, of whom four seem to have died in infancy. 
The four who survived their grandfather were : one son, the 
celebrated Archibald Johnston of Wariston, and three 
daughters,^ of whom the eldest, Rachel, married Robert 
Burnet, Advocate (afterwards Lord Crimond in the Court of 
Session), the editor of the first edition of Craig's Jus Feudale ; 
and Beatrix, the youngest, married, in 1639, Patrick Congal- 
ton of that Ilk.'' Of the other daughter, Margaret, nothing 
has been discovered. 

In the beginning of the seventeenth century Edinburgh was a 
comparatively small town. It was then as now ' the metropolis 
of law,' as Jedediah Cleishbotham termed it, and its leading 
citizens were, consequently, mostly connected with the Law 
Courts. Wariston's grandfather was Sir Thomas Craig, the 
eminent feudal lawyer; his wife's grandfather was Sir John 
Skene of Curriehill, who had been one of the Octavians, Lord 
Clerk Register, and a Lord of Session ; and her father was Sir 
Alexander Hay, Lord Foresterseat, also a Lord of Session.^ 

^ There was, and still is, another family of Johnston of Hilton in Aberdeenshire, 
2 Register Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 28th April 1619. 
2 Register Great Seal, Printed Abridg., 5th July 1627, No. IIOI. 
* Ibid. 13th March 1637. 

^ Died 24th April 1617. Reg. Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 2nd July 1618. 
s Reg Confd. Test., supra. 

^ Douglas Baronage, p. 523. It is there said that she was a daughter of Wari- 
ston, but that is obviously a mistake. 

^ Register Great Seal, Abridg., 1 169, nth July 1642. 


Wariston's great-aunt, Marion Arnot, was the wife of (first) 
James Nisbet, a brother of Patrick Nisbet, Lord Eastbank, and 
uncle of Sir John Nisbet of Dirleton, Lord Advocate and a Lord 
of Session in the time of Charles ii. ; ^ and (secondly) Sir Lewis 
Stewart, the famous Advocate, who was a loyal adherent of 
Charles i., and legal adviser of the Royal Commissioner at the 
General Assembly of 1638. Margaret Craig, his mother's eldest 
sister, was the wife of Sir Alexander Gibson, the first Lord Durie, 
and mother of Sir Alexander Gibson, the second Lord Durie.^ 
His uncle, Samuel Johnston of Sheens, married Helen Morison, 
a sister of Lord Prestongrange,^ and granddaughter of John 
Preston of Fentonbarns, Lord President of the Court from 
1609 till 1616; and his aunt, Jonet Johnstoun, was, as has 
been mentioned, the wife of Sir James Skene of Curriehill, Lord 
President of the Court.* Wariston was thus closely related to, 
and from his childhood must have been intimately acquainted 
with, the leading men of Edinburgh. 

His nearest relations were probably all Presbyterians ; some 
of them at least were zealous for the cause. Of his grand- 
mother, Rachel Arnot, Burnet ^ wrote that being a very rich 
woman, and much engaged to the Presbyterian party, she was 
most obsequiously courted by them. ' Bruce lived concealed 
' in her house for some years : and they all found such advan- 
' tages in their submissions to her, that she was counted for 
' many years the chief support of the party. . . . My father ' 
(Lord Crimond), ' marrying her eldest grandchild, saw a great 
' way into all the methods of the puritans."' She was, no doubt, 
the friend referred to by Kirkton,^ at whose house at Sheens, 
in the year 1621, the Presbyterian ministers, who had been 
ordered to depart from Edinburgh for refusing to observe the 
Five Articles of Perth, met to spend in fasting and prayer the 
day on which these Articles were to be ratified by Parliament 

1 Dirleton Writs. "- Tytler's Life of Craig, p. 323. 

3 Reg. Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 6th March 1627. 

* Ibid. 2Sth April 1619. ^ Burnet, vol. i. p. 31. '^ P. 16. 


— the Black Parliament as it was called. When Sir James 
Skene, President of the Court, failed, notwithstanding the 
King's orders, to be present at the Kirk of Edinburgh on 
Easter Day 1619 to receive the Communion kneeling as pre- 
scribed by one of the Articles of Perth, his absence was 
ascribed by some ' not to conscience, but to dissuasions of his 
mother-in-law ' (Rachel Arnot) ' and her daughter, his wife "* 
(Jonet Johnstoun), 'a religious gentlewoman.''^ The other 
daughter, Rachel, was no doubt of the same way of thinking. 
Her eldest son. Sir William Bruce of Stenhouse, was a ruling 
elder in James Guthrie's separate Presbytery, which was com- 
posed of the most extreme or Remonstrant members of the 
party.- And Burnet wrote of his own mother, ' Guthry, the 
' chief of their preachers, was hid in my mothers house, who 
' was bred to her brother Waristoun's principles, and could 
' never be moved from them.' ^ The steadfastness of some of 
Wariston's own children to his principles will be afterwards 

Wariston was born in 1611, probably in the month of 
March, as he was baptized on the 28th of that month.* 

He was educated at the University of Glasgow, and received 
the degree of Master of Arts from that University. The year 
when he went to College is nowhere stated, but the College books 
note the receipt ' fra Archibald Johnstoun for his buird for 
the spaice of five moneths IIP" lib.,'^ and on 1st March 1630 
he was matriculated as a student in one of the higher classes,^ 
The muniments of the University contain a list of books, 
which ' Archibaldus Jonstonus laurea donandus Accademiae 

1 Calderwood's Hist. AfSS. viii. 838. ^ Baillie, iii. 257. 

^ Burnet, vol. i. p. 434. 

* '1611, 28 Martii, James Johnestoun, Merchant, Elizabeth Craig a s(on) 
' n(amed) Archibald, w(itnesses) Archibald Johnestoun, David Johnestoun.' 
/y/i Register of Baptisme Alinistrat itt the Kirks of Edinburgh after the First 
Reformation, 2nd September 1610-llth December 1621, General Register 

^ Munimenta Universitatis Glasguetisis, iii. 530. ^ Ibid. 82, 


Glasguensi donavit in evxapi-crTia^ T€Kfjirjpiovy but the year is 
unfortunately not stated.^ He passed through his College 
classes under Baillie (afterwards Principal Baillie) as regent. 
Baillie, whose mother was one of the Gibson of Durie family 
(Letters i. xxii.), was connected with Wariston, whose aunt, 
Margaret Craig, married Sir Alexander Gibson of Durie. 
They maintained a close friendsliip for many years. In a 
letter to James Sharp (afterwards Archbishop of St. Andrews) 
about Wariston, Baillie ^ wrote of the friendship professed 
by him 'to me constantly since he was a child and my 

Wariston passed Advocate at the Scottish Bar on 6th 
November 1633. 

His marriage with Lord Foresterseat's eldest daughter, 
Helen Hay, must have taken place soon after he passed, as 
at least one child had been born to them before 1636.^ 

They had a large family. Lady Wariston, in petitioning 
the King, in 1660, for a pardon for her husband, stated that 
she ' and her 12 children were reduced to a poore and 
desolate condition,' * and at least two of her daughters were 
then married.^ The following were their children, but pro- 
bably not their whole family : 

1. Archibald, the eldest son. He was alive in 1643, but 
must have died young.^ 

2. James, first of that name, died in infancy.^ 

3. Alexander, who, in 1672, was ' eldest son and apparent 
heir ' of his father.^ He was, at least at one time, the black 

^ Munimtnta Universitatis Glasguensis, iii. 412. ^ Baillie, iii. 336. 

^ See p. 12. ■* British Museum Addl. mss. 23, 114. 

^ Wariston died deeply in debt. It was ascertained after his death that his 
debts exceeded the value of his estate by 12,361 merks Scots. — Ads of Parlia- 
ment, vii. 62 1 . 

After his death Kirkton wrote of him : ' He left his lady and numerous family 
' in mean estate, the' afterward the Lord provided better for many of them than 
' if their father hade stood in his highest grandeur,' p. 174. 

® Reg. Great Seal, Abridg., 20th November 1643, No. 327. 

'' Wodiow's Analecta, ii. 219. ^ Acts of Parliament, ix. 213. 


sheep of the family. Brodie^ wrote of him, ' 1671, Nov. 17th, 
' I heard that Alexander, Waristoun's son, had brok, and 

* through cheating, lying, wrong ways. My brother and 

* others had suffered much by him." He married Francisca 
Cuninghame, daughter of Captain James Cuninghame of 
Ballichan, in Ireland, son of Sir James Cuninghame of Glen- 
garnock and Lady Catherine Cuninghame, daughter of 
James Earl of Glencairn. Her sister, Penuel, married Sir 
James Colquhoun of Balvie, afterwards of Luss.- Alexander 
seems to have been bred a lawyer, but for some time he made 
a livelihood by buying and selling tallies at the Treasury, 
Exchequer, etc., equivalent to Exchequer bills. This he after- 
wards gave up, and devoted himself to secret service under 
William in., and the discovering of the plots which were then 
being hatched for the assassination of that King and the 
return of King James.' 

4. James (2nd) born 9th September 1655.* His father 
recorded in the lost Diary that this ' was to be the stay and 
support of his family.'' ^ After his father's death he was sent 
to Holland where he was educated. ' He had the character 
' of the greatest proficient in the civil law that ever was in 
' Utrecht."' ^ He was introduced into political life through his 
cousin-german Bishop Burnet, and was from time to time 
employed on important political missions. He was Secretary of 
State for Scotland from 1692 till 1696. In the latter year he 
married as his second wife, Catherine, daughter of John, second 
Baron Poulett.'' In writing to Carstares he spoke of his first 
wife as having been related to Adam Cockburn of Ormiston, 
the Lord Justice Clerk, but who she was has not been dis- 

1 Diary, p. 322. 

- Printed General Retoiirs, 29th April 1682, No. 6385 ; Fountainhall's His- 
torical Notices, vol. ii. pp. 778-9 ; Douglas Baronage, p. 26. 

^ See Carstares' State Papers, 200-225. ^ Brodie's Diary, 155. 

^ Wodrow's Analecta, ii. 218. 

® Macky's Memoirs, 204. Macky described him as ' a tall fair man. ' 

' Collins's Peerage, iv. 12. 


covered. He had a son by that former marriage.^ He was 
Lord Clerk Register in the reign of Queen Anne 1704-5. 
After retiring from public business he resided at Orleans 
House, Twickenham. Mr. John M'Claurin said of him to 
Wodrow that ' he keeps out a very great rank, and frequently 
' has Mr. Walpool and the greatest courtiers with him at his 
' country house near London ; and the King sometimes does 
' him the honour to dine with him.' ^ He was a great favourite 
with Queen Caroline, ' who was much entertained with his 
humour and pleasantry."' ^ He is described as ' a person of 
' learning and virtue, perfectly sincere, but,"" like his father, 
' hot and eager, too soon possessed with jealousy, and too 
' vehement in all he proposed.' * ' The freedom of his manners 
' was rather disgusting to King William."' ^ He died at Bath 
in 1737, and was buried at Twickenham on the llth of that 
month.® The Scots Magazine of the time stated that he 
died at the age of ninety-five, but that is impossible, as Brodie 
of Brodie who was present at his baptism has noted in his 
Diary that he was born on 9th September 1655.'^ His son 
James Johnston was served as heir-general to him on 13th 
March 1744. 

5. ElizxVbeth, married Thomas, eldest son of Sir Adam 
Hepburn of Humbie^ to whom she had one child Helen, 
who married Walter Scott of Highchester, Earl of Tarras.^ 
Elizabeth married, secondly. General William Drummond 
of Cromlix, created Viscount Strathallan in 1686. She died 
in 1679, before her husband"'s elevation to the peerage, and was 
buried in St. George's Church, South wark.^*^ 

6. Rachel married the noble Robert Baillie of Jerviswood — 

^ Carstares' State Papers, 155-6. - Wodrow's Analecta, iii. 206. 

^ Carstares, 93. 

•* The Jerviswood Correspondence, Bannatyne Club. Preface. 

'•' Carstares, tit supra. 

® Lysons's Environs of London, vol. iii. pp. 563, 594. '' Brodie's Diary, 155. 

8 Act. Par. vii. 20-64 ; General Retours, 25th Jan. 1659, Nos. 4415, 16, 17. 

9 Douglas Peerage, vol. ii. p. 5SS. 10 Ibid. 552. 


the Scottish Sidney, as he has been called — who after suffering 
cruel imprisonment by order of the King and Privy Council, 
was executed on 24th December 1684 on the groundless charge 
of compassing the death of the King and his brother the Duke 
of York. Rachel died before 18th September 1707.^ 

7. Helen married George Home of Graden, in the parish 
of Earlston. Her husband and she were both warm supporters 
of the principles of the Covenanters. In the last days of her 
brother-in-law Robert Baillie, when his wife, owing to feeble 
health, was unable to attend him, she devoted herself to the 
alleviation of his sufferings in prison, where she remained with 
him in close confinement. She accompanied him to the place 
of execution, and with a courage truly heroic remained on the 
scaffold ' till all his body was cut in coupons,' and she went 
with the hangman to ' see them oyled and tarred.' ^ She died 
before 11th September 1707.^ 

8. Margaret married (first) Sir John Wemyss of Bogie,* 
(secondly) Benjamin Bressey.^ During her father s close confine- 
ment in the Tower prior to his being brought to Edinburgh for 
execution in 1663, she was on her petition permitted to live 
with him there.^ She was imprisoned by the Privy Council 
for taking part in the gathering of Presbyterian ladies in the 
Parliament Close on 4th and 11th June 1674 to present a 
Petition to the Council for liberty to their ministers to perform 
divine service according to the Presbyterian forms. ^ 

9. Janet married Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Coul, Baronet.^ 

10. married Mr. Roderick Mackenzie.^ 

1 Register of Cottfd. Test., Edinburgh, i8th Sept. 1707, 

"- Fountainhall's Historical Notices, ii. 594. See an interesting account of 
her in The Ladies of the Covenant, by the Rev. James Anderson, p. 373. 

3 Register of Confi. Test., Edinburgh, nth Sept. 1707. 

* Douglas Baronage, p. 562. 

^ Register of Confd. Test., Edinburgh — Margaret Johnston, Lady Bogie, l6th 
August 1707. ^ Historical MSS., Duke of Leeds, 6. 

' Law's Memorials, p. 67 ; Ladies of the Covenant, p. 221. 

8 Brodie's Diary, p. 397 ; Burke's Peerage. ^ Brodie, ut supra. 


11. EupHAN died unmarried, May 1715.^ 

In the year 1636 Archibald Johnston acquired the pro- 
perty of Wariston in the parish of Currie, seven miles from 
Edinburgh, and adjoining his grandfather's estate of Riccarton. 
Lord Foresterseat, his father-in-law, had bought it in 1620 ; ^ 
and his son Alexander Hay sold it in 1636 ' to Elizabeth Craig, 
' relict of the late James Johnstoun, merchant burgess of 
' Edinburgh in liferent and Mr, Archibald Johnstoun her son, 
' Advocate, and Helen Hay his spouse, and the longest liver of 
' them in conjunct fee,** and to their heirs hoTn and to be born.^ 
Sir John Scot * says that its annual value was (in Johnston"'s 
time) 1000 merks Scots, about £55 sterling. The farm of 
Wariston, which now belongs to the Earl of Morton, is valued 
at £¥)0 a year.^ 

Wariston's town residence was situated in the High Street 
of Edinburgh, on the east side of what is now known as 
Wariston''s Close, and was probably entered from the close. 
Here on the night before the first sitting of each General 
Assembly the leading members used to meet to consider ' about 
' the choising of the Moderator, Committees, and cheife points 
' of the Assemblie.'' ^ The windows of the house looked upon 
the Market Cross, close by which, amid scenes of intense 
popular excitement, Wariston, in 1638, read on several occa- 
sions from extemporised platforms protestations against the 
Royal Proclamations ; and where, twenty-five years afterwards, 
he was himself hanged on ' ane gallons of extraordiner heicht,"* 
surrounded by the King's Life Guards on horseback, ' with thair 
' carabynes and naikit swords, and trumpettouris and kettill 
' drum and ane gaird of the toun of Edinburgh with thair 
' cullouris displayed.' '' It is narrated that when Robert 
Baillie of Jerviswood was being carried to the place of execu- 

^ Register of Confd. Test., Edinburgh, 1 1 th July 171 5. 

2 Reg. Great Seal, Printed Abridg., 6th July 1620, No. 715. 

3 Ibid. 1636, No. 511. ^ Staggering State, p. 127. 
* Valuation Roll, Edinburgh, 1895. " Baillie's Letters, iii. 53. 

^ NicoU's Diary, pp. 394-5. 


tion at the Market Cross, accompanied by his sister-in-law, 
Lady Graden, they passed the house of her father ; and ' in pass- 
' ing it, Baillie looked up to the chamber where Lord Wariston 
' usually sat, and a multitude of associations connected with 
' the past vividly rushing into his mind, he said to her, " Many 
' " a sweet day and night with God had your now glorified 
' " father in that chamber." " Yes," she replied, and thinking 
' of his cruel death she added, " Now he is beyond the reach 
' " of all suffering, equally free from sin and sorrow ; and the 
' " same grace which supported him is able to support you." ' ^ 

Wariston was a man of great energy and unwearied appli- 
cation, with an extraordinary memory and great quickness of 
thought.- He could seldom sleep above three hours in the 
twenty-four. He was very learned in the Law of Scotland, 
particularly in Constitutional and Church law, in which he 
had become proficient at an early period of life. 

It must be borne in mind that he was a young man during the 
most important and successful period of his career. Between 
the year 1637 when, at the age of twenty-six, he first appeared 
in public life as the trusted adviser of the Covenanting leaders,^ 
and the year 1649 when, still a comparatively young man, he 
was appointed to the office of Lord Clerk Register, then the 
most lucrative and highly prized office under the Crown in 
Scotland, he had occupied positions of the highest honour and 
responsibility in Church and State ; and it seems clear from the 
way Baillie wrote of him that he had secured the entire con- 
fidence of his friends. He was Clerk to the Tables ; ^ he was 
the contriver, and, with Alexander Henderson, the framer of the 
National Covenant of 1638 ; in the same year he was appointed 
clerk and legal adviser to the great General Assembly held at 
Glasgow ; in 1639 he was one of the Scots Commissioners 

^ See Wodrow's Analecta, iii. 78-80. Ladies of the Covenant, p. 

2 Burnet, vol. i. p. 49. 

3 Rothes' Relation, 43 ; Baillie, i. 48. 
* Large Declaration, 239. 


who arranged with the king the pacification of Berwick ; in 
1640, when the army was about to march into England, he 
was directed by Parliament, as the person ' best acquaint,' — 
who had a greater grasp than any one else of the questions in 
dispute between the King and the Scottish nation, — to attend 
the General and the Committee and advise with them in such 
matters as the framing of treaties and public declarations,^ 
and he was afterwards one of the Scots Commissioners who 
concluded with the English the treaty of Ripon. In 1641, at 
the age of thirty, he was appointed a Lord of Session by the 
title of Lord Wariston, and received the honour of knighthood ; 
in 1643 he was sent as one of the small group of Scots Com- 
missioners to the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, where 
he is said to have taken part in the debates with much ability 
and learning against the most distinguished ecclesiastical 
lawyers of the time ; in 1644 he was chosen one of the joint 
committee of both nations for managing the war against the 
King ; in 1646 he was appointed Lord Advocate, and in 1649 
Lord Clerk Register. Such early and continuous success could 
only have been achieved by a man of conspicuous ability and 
eminent business habits. In writing of him on 8th July 1645 
Baillie described him as ' one of the most faithful, and diligent, 
' and able servants that our Church and Kingdom has had all 
' the tymes of our troubles."* - 

As regards his creed in the affairs of Church and State, he 
had an extraordinary zeal for Presbyterianism. It ' was to him 
more than all the world,' . . . ' he looked on the Covenant as 
the setting Christ on His throne.' ^ Presbyterianism, he firmly 
believed, was of divine institution, therefore the nation must 
be soundly Presbyterian ; no other form of church government 
should be tolerated, nor any doctrine taught except what was 
approved by the General Assembly. Schismatics and heretics 
should be punished, and all such as refused to take the Covenant 

Acts of Scots Par. v. 284 l>. - Baillie, ii. 297. ' Burnet, vol. i. p. 50. 


should be disqualified from places of profit and trust.^ He 
was withal a sincere upholder of the monarchical principle. 
On 24th April 1646 Baillie wrote, ' All the Royalists in Scot- 
' land could not have pleaded so much for the Crowne and the 
' King''s just power, as the Chancellour and Wariston did for 
' many dayes together.' ^ And according to an informant of 
Wodrow, before Wariston went up to Cromwell he was a 
violent Royalist and used to say that, sooner than submit to 
the English 'he would take his wife and ten children and 
begg.' ^ But then his sovereign must be a Presbyterian king, 
ruling a Presbyterian people, with powers greatly restricted 
from those which King James vi., in his later years, and his 
son Charles, had ventured to assume. This restriction of the 
prerogative, he maintained, was nothing but a return to the 
ancient constitution of Scotland — a restoration to Parliament 
of the powers which of right belonged to it, but of which it 
had been deprived through recent royal encroachments. This 
subject of the powers and rights of Parliament was one which 
he had deeply studied, and it was without doubt he who, in 
1641, submitted the constitutional principle, which was enforced 
in Parliament by Argyll, that appointments to the great offices 
of state are made by the King and Parliament jointly, not 
by the King alone, as was maintained by Charles. The lost 
Diary contained an interesting passage on this subject, the 
purport of which Wodrow received from Mr. Ridpath and 
related as follows^: 'After the treaty of Wilks [FBirks], 
' when the King came a litle into Scotland, there wer many 
' conferences among the prime of the Covenanters and the 
' King, at all which Wariston was. The Scots Lords insisted 
' much that the King would allou them the liberty of chusing 
' the Officers of State in the Parliament. The King was 
' very peremptory against it. They pleaded that it had 
' been anciently alloued by the Kings of Scotland, and 
' alledged the Records. The King denyed ther was any 

^ Principal Lee's Lectures, ii. 303, 304. ^ Baillie, ii. 368. 

^ Wodrow's Analecta, ii. 145. "* Analecta, ii. 219. 


' such thing, and told them he kneu in his father's time, any- 
' thing with relation to these was lost. After their insisting, 
' the King required to see the Records. They told him they 
' wer yet extant, though not among the Records of the nation. 
' After the King had given his oath to them he would not call 
' for them out of their hands, some two or three on the King's 
' side, and as many on the other side, all upon oath, wer lett 
' into the secret ; and the King and they went over to Dum- 
' fermline, where they wer, and discovered hy my Lord 
' Wariston. It seems that King James vi., throu the advice 
' of some that wer for inslaving the liberty of the subject, and 
' it may be to please England, had ordered Hay of Dumferm- 
' line, in whoes hand then they wer, to destroy them. It seems 
' he laid them up in his Charter Chest, which was not opned 
' till Wariston upon some civil process was called to look throu 
' his papers, and there found them. The King had them laid 
' before him. It may be supposed that thir papers wer the 
' plan of many things the Covenanting Lords then did, and 
' gave them both courage and light hou to act.' ^ 

Wariston was not merely a learned Church lawyer and theo- 
logian, he was moreover deeply religious. Kirkton ^ wrote of 
him that he spent more time in prayer, reading, meditations, 
and observing his providences than any man he ever knew in 
the world. He continued in prayer many hours a day,^ and 
three hours at a stretch was pretty frequent with him.* On 
one occasion, which has been recorded, his grace after meat 
lasted for an hour.-^ While engaged in prayer he became 
entirely absorbed in it, and lost all consciousness of what was 
passing around him. One day, intending to spend an hour or 
two in prayer, he continued his devotions from six in the 

^ Wariston had unusual good fortune in discovering lost registers. Three 
years before this he had presented to the General Assembly of 1638 five volumes 
of its registers, extending from 1560 to 1590, which were believed to have been 
lost. — Vti&rkm's Records of the Kirk, 133; Baillie, i. 129, 

2 173. ^ Burnet, vol. i. p. 49. * Wodrow's Analecta, ii. 159. 

5 Kirkton, 171, Note by Mr. Kirkpatrick Sharpe. 


morning till, to his surprise, the bells began ringing at eight in 
the evening. On another occasion, while he was engaged in 
prayer, Lady Wariston, who was at the time in delicate health, 
swooned away beside him, but he went on to the end un- 
conscious of that or of the servants raising her up and laying 
her on a bed in the room.^ In those days they used to 
' wrestle '' in prayer as Jacob Avrestled with the angel at Peniel. 
Wariston, on the baptism of his son James (the secretary), 
recorded in the lost Diary the great lengths he had win-to - 
in wrestling anent him.^ During a dangerous illness of 
Mr. James Guthrie, some of his friends met to pray for 
his recovery. Wodrow quaintly tells the story.* ' All that 
' prayed before Wariston wer conditionall in their petitions for 
' his life. When he came to pray, he was mighty peremptory, 
' and would not at all take a refusall, and said, " Lord, thou 
' " knouest this Church cannot want him!"' He had the 
conviction that he had close communion with God, — that he 
saw God face to face. Kirkton has recorded of him ^ that on 
the night before his execution Wariston said to him ' that he 
' could never doubt of his own salvation, he hade so often seen 
' God's face in the house of prayer.' ' He was a great observer 
' of providences, and, according to the rule, mett with very 
' many remarkable providences himself.'*^ And Ridpath said 
to Wodrow, with reference to the lost Diary, ' as to his souPs 
' state, it's not possible to conceive what atteanments, what 
' elevated exercise, that man has been under ! He records hou 
' it's with him in prayer, and the answers and returns made 
* to his prayers, which are astonishing.' ^ 

He possessed in a high degree the perfervidum ingemum of 
his countrymen, but the zeal of his youth for the cause to 
which the nation had so deeply committed itself passed in the 
later years of his life almost into fanaticism. He had a ready. 

^ Analccta, ii. 135. ^ Reached. ^ Anakda, ii. 2lS. •* Ibid. ii. 158. 

'" Page 171. ^ Kirkton, 173. '' Atialecta, ii. 218. 



vehement style of eloquence characteristic of himself,^ but by 
his irritating mode of speaking he seemed to have the mis- 
fortune to make his political opponents his personal enemies.- 
Of these failings he was himself conscious. In his dying speech 
he said, ' My natural temper (or rather distemper) hath been 
' hasty and passionate, and in my manner of going about and 
' prosecuting of the best pieces of work and service to the Lord 
' and to my generation, I have been subject to many excesses 
' of heat, and thereby to some precipitations, which hath no 
' doubt offended standers-by and lookers-on, and hath exposed 
' both me and the work to their mistakes." ^ Kirkton ^ wrote, 
' He studied Christ's honour more than man's, and was a man 
* that used argument more than complement."' He was wanting 
in tact and in the courtly graces which find favour with kings, 
and his manner and bearing seem to have excited an extra- 
ordinary antipathy towards him in the Charleses (father and 
son) and their adherents. Charles i. cordially disliked him. 
Charles ii. hated him, not only for the position which, as leader 
of the Remonstrants, he took up against him and his party, 
but also for personal reasons. Wariston, with apparently 
considerable plain speaking, had reproved the king for his dis- 
solute conduct while in Scotland. Charles seemed to take it 
in good part at the time, but he never forgave Wariston,'' and 
this personal hatred of the king was said to have been the real 
cause of Wariston's death.*^ 

But he must have had many qualities which commanded 
esteem and even love from those Avho knew him well. For 
many years the kindly and genial Bail lie had a sincere 
affection for him. He had been his instructor in Glasgow 
University, and in after-days when Wariston was a great man 
he did not hesitate to write unreservedly to him as to the 
regulation of his ambition and the conduct of public business. 

1 Burnet, i. 50; Kirkton, 172. ^ Baillie, iii. 64. 

3 Scots Worthies, vol. ii. 76. * P. 173. 

6 Wodrow, Anahcta, ii. 145- ^ Kirkton, 173. 


One of his letters began formally with ' My Lord,' and con- 
cluded ' My service to my Cumer (gossip) and all friends, Your 
Master, R. Baillie." ^ He also referred to him as ' the good 
Advocate"' and 'Good Wariston/- Brodie^ and Kirkton * 
have testified to the love which his friends bore to him. He 
was closely associated with Argyll in public life and seems to 
have been on intimate terms with him privately. In 1647 he 
bought from Argyll the Island of Suna in the old parish of 
Kilchattan,^ and in the following year, when it was thought 
advisable that he should go into retirement for a short time 
lie withdrew to Kintyre on a visit to Argyll.^ But after he 
joined the extreme party of the Protesters many of his old 
friends withdrew from him, and some even of those who were 
favourably inclined to the Protesters thought that he went too 
far.'^ In writing to Spang on 19th July 1654, Baillie said, 
' Wariston lives privilie, in a hard enough condition, much 
' hated by the most, and neglected by all, except the Remon- 
' strants to whom he is guide."* ^ Although Baillie and he had 
come to differ widely as regarded public affairs, Baillie remained, 
throughout his distresses, one of his fastest friends.^ His old 
friends did not forget him on the day of his execution. They 
attended him to the scaffold, and afterwards to his ' buriall 
in thair murning apperrell "* ; ^° and Kirkton wrote that ' he 
* rendered up his spirit into the Lord"'s hand with much com- 
' fort of mind, and much bemoaned by all that knew him."* ^^ 

The crowning error in his career was his acceptance of 
employment from Cromwell. He was regardless about money 
matters and spent his patrimony in the promotion of his views. 
Consequently, upon the loss of his office when Cromwell came 
to Scotland, he was reduced to great pecuniary straits, which 

1 Baillie, ii. io6. " Baillie, iii. 53, 64. ' Diary, 322. 

■* Kirkton, 172. ^ Great Seal Reg., Printed Abridg. 1647, No. 1863. 

^ Baillie, iii. 64. '' Brodie, 1655, October 2, 160. 

8 Baillie, iii. 249. " Baillie, iii. 338. i" Nicoll's Diary, 395. 

" Kirkton, 172. 


were aggravated by his having had to restore considerable sums 
which certain individuals had paid to him or his wife for offices 
in his gift.^ His inability to provide for his large family 
without an income has been pleaded in extenuation of his 
ratting, but he was ever after ' afflicted and sad, never pro- 
sperous, because he hade made himself a trespasser,"* ^ and he 
regretted to his last day the false step he took in accepting 
office. In his dying speech he spoke of it pathetically as 
follows : ' I must withal confess, that it doth not a little 
' trouble me, and lie heavy upon my spirit, and will bring me 
' down with sorrow to the grave that I suffered myself through 
' the power of temptations, and the too much fear anent the 
' straits that my numerous family might be brouglit into to be 
' carried unto so great a length of compliance in England with 
' the late usurpers, which did much grieve the hearts of the 
* godly, and make these that sought God ashamed and con- 
' founded for my sake, and did give no small occasion to the 
' adversary to reproach and blaspheme. And my turning aside 
' to comply with these men was the more aggravated in my 
' person that I had so frequently and seriously made profession of 
' my adverseness from, and abhorrence of that way, and had 
' shown much dissatisfaction with these that had not gone so 
' great a length ; for which, as I seek God's mercy in Christ 
' Jesus, so I desire that all the Lord's people, from my 
' example, may be more stirred up to watch and pray that 
' they enter not into temptation." ^ 

The occurrences and, in particular, the discussions on eccle- 
siastical affairs, related in the Diary, may be elucidated by 
the following short preliminary statement. 

Since his accession to the Crowns of England and Scotland in 
1625, Charles i. had shown himself singularly wanting in tact 

' Scot's Staggering State, p. 127. See also Baillie, iii. 249. 

2 Kirkton, 173. ' Scots Worthies, vol. ii. 76, 77. 


and good judgment in his interference with ecclesiastical affairs 
in Scotland. Like his father he had exalted notions of the 
kingly office and the Royal Prerogative. He believed, as his 
father had done, that the Episcopalian form of church govern- 
ment was, in its nature, better suited for a monarchical estab- 
lishment than the more republican parity of Scottish Pres- 
byterianism. James had had to endure, in his early days, 
much plain speaking in the pulpit and out of it — sometimes 
even personal indignities — from the Presbyterian ministers of 
Edinburgh, and such treatment must to him and his family 
have contrasted unfavourably with the courtly manners and 
pleasant speeches of the churchmen of England. Moreover, 
the imposing services of the Church of England and its stately 
ritual appealed to their senses, if not to their higher natures, 
in a way which it seemed to be impossible for the plain and 
comparatively rude services of the Church of Scotland to do. 
Charles frankly admitted this : ' Our father of blessed memorie 
' immediately after his comming into England, compared the 
' decencie and uniformitie of God's worship here, especially in 
' the Liturgie of the Church, with that diversitie, nay deformitie, 
' which was used in Scotland, where no set or publike forme 
' of prayer was used, but Preachers or Readers and ignorant 
' Schoolmasters prayed in the Church, sometimes so ignorantly 
' as it was a shame to all Religion to have the Majestic of God 
' so barbarously spoken unto, sometimes so seditiously that 
' their prayers were plaine Libels, girding at Soveraigntie and 
' Authoritie ; or Lyes, being stuffed with all the false reports 
' in the Kingdome."' ^ 

All these considerations contributed to make these Sovereigns 
desire to impose upon Scotland what they admired so much in 
England, that is to say, to establish Episcopacy and to pro- 
vide for the Church an order of service identical, as nearly as 
might be, with what was in use in England. ' As became a 

Large Declaration, 15, 16. 


' Religious Prince,"' James bethought himself seriously ' how 
' his first reformation in that Kingdome might begin at the 
' publike worship of God, which hee most truely conceived 
' could never be happily effected, untill such time as there 
' should be an unitie and uniformitie in the publike prayers, 
' liturgie, and service of the Church, established throughout 
' the whole Kingdome.'' ^ 

James had made a considerable advance towards the attain- 
ment of his ends although his methods had been high-handed. 
He had obtained the introduction into the Church of the order 
of Bishops, and was gradually vesting them with the powers of 
government which the Presbyterian Church Courts had pre- 
viously possessed. The preparation of a Book of Common 
Prayer, which it should be obligatory on the clergy to use in 
the public worship of the Church, was also being proceeded 
with, and certain religious observances (known as the Articles 
of Perth) had been enjoined. But these innovations were 
highly unpopular, and many refused to obey the King's injunc- 
tions. Knowing the people with whom he had to deal, and 
being conscious of the risk of pressing his reforms further 
against their determined objections, he thought it more 
prudent to allow some of the prescribed observances to fall 
into abeyance. 

But James died, and Charles speedily began to take an 
active personal charge of the administration of Scottish 
affairs. He, however, had not lived in Scotland since his 
childhood — he had been brought up amidst widely different 
surroundings from those of his father in his youth — and neither 
he nor the statesmen and churchmen who were his advisers 
seemed able to understand the peculiar temperament of the 
Scottish people or to comprehend the depth and pertinacity of 
the national character. 

He had the misfortune to make himself unpopular with one 

^ Large Declaration, i6. 


class or another of the community by everything he did, even 
when it was well done. He excited the animosity of the great 
nobles by his threatened revocation of all his father's grants of 
Church lands, whereby they had acquired so large an accession 
of influence and power; by his admirable arrangement for 
putting a stop for ever to the intolerable burden of the drawn 
teind, and for making a competent provision for the clergy ; and 
by promoting the Prelates to high offices in the state, which 
the nobles thought belonged rightly and almost constitutionally 
to their class. Many petty jealousies also seem to have been 
aroused by the manner of distribution of honours at his 
coronation.^ The great nobles whom he might have counted 
upon to support him were thus alienated and driven to make 
common cause with the large party in the kingdom who 
resented his interference with the government and form of 
worship of their Church. The powerful combination thus 
formed came to be directed wholly against the king's eccle- 
siastical policy. 

The settlement throughout the kingdom of one common form 
of divine service and church government^ was to be achieved 
by introducing into the Church of Scotland the mode of worship 
and rules of government which were established in England. 
This was to be done by an exercise of the Royal Prerogative 
— the Sovereign was to command and his subjects were to obey. 
Charles seemed to be unaware that his project would meet with 
resistance,^ and in this to have been misled mainly by the 
reports as to the state of the national feeling which he received 
directly, or through Laud, from the younger generation of 
Bishops. Of these men, the High Treasurer (Traquair) wrote 
to the Marquis of Hamilton on 27th August 1637, that ' their 
' rash and foolish expressions, and sometimes attempts, both 
' in private and publick, have bred such a fear and jealousie in 
' the hearts of many, that I am confident, if His Majesty were 

Large Declaration, ii. ^ Ibid. 44. ^ Ibid. 19. 


' rightly informed thereof, he would blame them, and justly 
' think, that from this and the like proceedings arises the 
* ground of many mistakes amongst us.'^ Experienced men 
foresaw the troubles that would arise. On Snd January 1637, 
after the issue of the Royal Proclamation commanding the 
use of the Service Book, Baillie wrote, ' I am affrayit sore that 
' there is a storme raisit which will not calme in my dayes. 
' It ''s a pitie that we should have none to give our gratious 
' Prince deu information.'^ 

While the ferment was general throughout the nation, the 
first overt act of opposition to the introduction of the Service 
Book was the riot of the serving maids in St. Giles Cathedral 
on 23rd July 1637. ' No sooner was the Book opened by the 
' Deane of Edinburgh, but a number of the meaner sort, who 
' used to keep places for the better sort, most of them women, 
' with clapping of their hands, cursings, and outcries, raised 
' such a barbarous hubbub in that sacred place, that not 
' any one could either heare or be heard.' The Bishop of 
Edinburgh, in an attempt to appease the tumult, ' was enter- 
' tained with as much irreverence as the Deane, and with more 
' violence ; insomuch, that if a stoole, aimed to be throwne at 
' him, had not by the providence of God beene diverted by the 
' hand of one present, the life of that Reverend Bishop, in that 
' holy place, and in the Pulpit, had beene indangered if not 
' lost.' 3 

After that Sunday the new Service Book was never read in 
Edinburgh. In the course of the following week the Privy 
Council approved of a report by the Archbishop of St. Andrews 
on behalf of the Bishops that there should be a surcease of the 
Service Book till the King's pleasure was known, 'and that 
' neither the old Service nor the new established Service be 
' used in this interim.'^ The King, in an angry letter to his 

Burnet's Memoires of the Haniiltons, p. 31. ^ Baillie, 

Large Declaration, 23. 

The Clergies' Report anent the Service Booke. — Peterkin, 52. 


Council, reproved them for their faint-hearted conduct, and 
commanded that every Bishop should cause the Service Book 
to be read within his diocese,^ but the Council did not dare to 
put this order in force. The people seemed ' possessed with a 
bloody devill/- 

The first wild and unregulated outbreaks of the mob gradu- 
ally gave place to an orderly and, to the King, more dangerous 
attack upon his innovations, led by the greater part of the 
nobility, gentry, and other influential classes. Four men stood 
out conspicuous as their leaders, Rothes, Loudoun, Alexander 
Henderson of Leuchars, and the youthful Wariston — who 
fought the King and the Prelates with remarkable ability and 
skill, checkmating every move. For success against the power- 
ful influences which the King and his adherents could bring to 
bear in order to secure their ends, it was essential that Scotsmen 
should stand shoulder to shoulder, and speak with one voice. 
For the attainment of the first of these objects, Wariston is 
said to have bethought him of a renewal of the old National 
Covenant of 1580, by which King James and his subjects swore 
to defend against Popery the true reformed religion as expressed 
in the Confession of Faith, and to maintain the King's Majesty, 
his person and estates ; — ' the true worship of God and the 
' King's authoritie being so straitly joyned, as that they 
' had the same friends and common enemies, and did stand 
' and fall together. '^ Wariston's suggestion was adopted and 
the famous National Covenant of 1638 was thereupon framed 
by him and Henderson jointly. To suit the oath of 1580 to 
the altered circumstances of the time, and secure united action 
against the innovations which in the interval had been intro- 
duced into the Church, an addition was made to it, whereby the 
subscribers swore to adhere to and defend the true religion and 
forbear the 'practice of all novations, already introduced in 

Peterkin, 54. ^ Baillie, i. 23. 

Preamble to National Covenant of 1638. 


' the matters of the worship of God, or approbation of the 
' corruptions of the pubhck government of the Kirk, or civill 
' places and power of Kirkmen, till they bee tryed and allowed 
' in free Assemblies, and in Parliaments.'' They further swore to 
defend the King, his person and authority in the defence of 
the true religion ; ' as also to the mutuall defence and assist- 
' ance everie one of us of another, in the same cause of main- 
' taining the true Religion, and his Majestie's Authoritie, 
' against all sorts of persons whatsoever, so that, whatsoever 
' shall be done to the least of us for that cause, shall be taken 
' as done to us all in generall, and to everie one of us in par- 
' ticular. And that we shall, neither directly nor indirectly 
' suffer ourselves to be divided or withdrawn, by whatsoever 
' suggestion, combination, allurement, or terrour, from this 
' blessed and loyall Conjunction, nor shall cast in any let or 
' impediment that may stay or hinder any such resolution, as 
' by common consent shall be found to conduce for so good 
' ends/ ^ This Covenant was virtually a solemn obligation by 
the individuals composing the nation that they would faith- 
fully and for ever stand by each other in their resistance to the 
hated innovations. The circumstances attending its subscrip- 
tion are well known. It was acknowledged by the King that 
' the fire of this seditious Covenant flamed throughout all 
' the corners of the kingdome, and that to such an unexpected 
' height and violence, as it was past both the skill and power 
' of our Councell to quench it.''^ The enormous body of 
people so banded together was represented by small com- 
mittees selected from each class of the community, and these 
again were for executive purposes represented by a General 
Committee, or General Table as it was called, composed 
of the ablest men of the party, which sat permanently 
in Edinburgh with Wariston as Clerk. 'What they of 

National Covenant of 1638; Large Declaration, 64, 65. 
Large Declaration, 75, 76. 


' the General Table resolved on, was to be put in practice 
' with a blinde and Jesuiticall obedience.''^ Charles and his 
advisers at once saw what a powerful engine had been devised 
and perfected to baffle their schemes. In referring to it in 
his Declaration, the King wrote, 'And now began the most 
' unnaturall, causlesse, and horrible rebellion that this or 
' perhaps any other age in the world hath been acquainted 
' with : for now these Protesters begin to invest themselves 
' with the supreme Ensignes and Markes of Majestie and 
' Soveraigntie by erecting publike Tables of advice and 
' Councell, for ordering the affaires of the Kingdome, without 
' our Authoritie, and in contempt of Us and our Councell 
' established by us there, and by entring into a Covenant 
' and most wicked Band and combination against all that 
' shall oppose them, not excepting Our owne Person, directly 
' against the law of God, the law of Nations, and the munici- 
' pall lawes of that Our Kingdome/^ In view of the gravity 
of the situation, the King, after much consultation with his 
advisers, resolved to send down the Marquis of Hamilton as 
his High Commissioner with instructions to examine into the 
alleged grievances, and to calm the commotions by giving the 
nation all j ust satisfaction. 

The line of action taken by the Covenanters was to profess 
to absolve the King personally from all responsibility in connec- 
tion with the innovations. They laid before the Privy Council 
a formal complaint against the Bishops^ as ' the contryvers, 
introducers, and urgers upone "* the nation of the Service Book 
and book of Canons, and as the authors of the other innovations. 
For this, they maintained, the Bishops should be brought to trial 
and should not be allowed to sit as judges till the matter was 
determined.^ But this the King would not accept. He was 
proud of the part which he had personally taken in the pre- 

^ Large Declaration, 54. - Ibid. 53, 54. 

^ Relation, 49. •* Declinator ; Rothes' Relaiiott, 51. 


paration of the Service Book, and at once stated in reply that 
it was he who had ordered it to be compiled, and that he 
had in the framing of it taken great care and pains, ' so as 
' nothing passed therein but Avhat was seene and approved by 
' Us before the same was either divulged or printed/^ 

In all the numerous long and able papers issued by the 
Covenanters, one desire was kept prominently in the front, viz., 
that the King should call a free General Assembly and Parlia- 
ment as the only means by which the great disorders of Church 
and State could be redressed : ' All the Desires of the Suppli- 
' cants resolves on ane Generall Assemblie and Parliament, these 
' being the meanes to cognosce and redresse the whole parti- 
' culars.'^ A mere withdrawal of the Service Book, Book of 
Canons, and High Commission would not remedy the evils nor 
prevent their recurrence. The Church, they urged, must be 
secured in time to come against any alteration in points of 
doctrine, divine worship, and church government, but such as 
should be agreed on in lawful free General Assemblies,^ i.e. 
such assemblies as should be constituted according to the laws 
of the pure reformed Church of Scotland, not the packed and 
corrupt assemblies which had carried out the commands of 
King James in the later years of his reign. 

Much discussion took place between the Commissioner and 

* Proclamation. — Large Declaration, 48. 

In the sale catalogue of the Duke of Hamilton's library, p. 25, the following 
entry occurs: '316, Booke of Common Prayer, R, Barker 1637 — Psalmes in 
Meeter, with music,'i635, black letter, Charles the First's copy with numerous 
alterations and additions in his autograph — small 4to. Prefixed to the Order 
for Morning Prayer, Charles I. has written with his own hand : " Charles R. I 
" gave the ArchbP of Canterbury comand to make the alteracons expressed 
" in this book and to fit a Liturgy for the Church of Scotland and wheresoever 
" they shall differ from another booke signed by us at Hampt Court, Septemb"" 
" 28th, 1634, our pleasure is to have these followed rather than the former ; 
" unless the ArchbP of St. Andrews and his Brethren who are upon the place 
" shall see apparent reason to the contrary. At Whitehall, April 19th, 1636.'' 
The above note proves beyond a doubt that the alterations made in the folio 
edition of 1637, usually termed Laud's Scotch Liturgy, emanated from Charles I. 
himself, and that his emendations were adopted with scarcely a variation.' 

2 Rothes to Hamilton, Relation, 184. ^ Relation^ 96. 


the Covenanting leaders. Before agreeing to indict a General 
Assembly, the Commissioner demanded that tiie Covenant 
should be abrogated. This the Covenanters rejected without 
hesitation. He further asked for an undertaking that the 
Covenanters should not at the Assembly ' goe about to deter- 
' mine of things established by Acts of Parliament, otherwise 
' than by remonstrance or petition to the Parliament." ^ But 
such an undertaking they declined to give. The introduction 
of the Service Book, although the immediate cause of the out- 
break, was only one of the innovations of which they com- 
plained. Their object was to strike at what they conceived to 
be the root of the evil, and to restore the Church to its purity 
as it existed at the end of the previous century before the 
introduction of Episcopacy by the King and Parliament against 
what the Covenanters believed was the will of the people. 
They insisted that the Church, acting through its Supreme 
Court legally constituted, had alone the cognisance of matters 
of doctrine, church government, and forms of worship. The 
King had no power to regulate such matters, and although 
Parliament might, for the fortification of the resolutions of the 
Church Courts, give them formal ratification, its power to 
legislate upon ecclesiastical subjects went no further. A 
ratifying Act of Parliament had no force, independently of the 
resolution of the Church Court which it confirmed, but at once 
became of no effect on the abrogation of the resolution by a 
subsequent duly constituted Assembly. An Assembly being 
supreme, it was impossible, they urged, that private indivi- 
duals could bargain on its behalf that certain subjects should 
be excluded from its consideration. 

The other point upon which a vital difference was manifested 
was the constitution of General Assemblies. The Commis- 
sioner, as representing the King and the Episcopal party, 
maintained that the practice which had been followed since 

^ Large Declaration, 123. 


the introduction of Episcopacy should be continued, that 
is that Archbishops and Bishops, and constant (perpetual) 
Moderators of Presbyteries, should be members by virtue of 
their offices. The Covenanters would not admit this, and 
contended that only those persons could lawfully be members 
who were sent up as Commissioners from presbyteries or 
burghs. A further question arose as to the rights of ruling 
elders, or lay elders,^ as the Episcopalians called them, to be 
members of Church Courts. The Episcopal party, who drew a 
broad distinction between clergy and laity, denied that ruling 
elders were members of Church Courts, although they might 
be called in by presbyteries ' for their assistance in discipline 
' and correction of manners, at such occasions as they stood in 
' need of their godly concurrence.'' ^ Not being members they 
could neither vote in the election of ministers as commis- 
sioners from presbyteries nor be sent up as Commissioners 
themselves. On the other hand, the Covenanters declared that 
the rule of the Church was that each kirk-session should send 
up to its presbytery, as constituent members, the minister 
and one ruling elder. A presbytery would thus be composed 
of an equal number of ministers and ruling elders. As to the 
mode of election of Assembly Commissioners they founded 
on the instructions sent down to presbyteries by the Dundee 
Assembly on 7th March 1597, whereby three ministers and 
one ruling elder were directed to be sent up by each Presby- 
tery as Commissioners to each Assembly.^ 

^ ' Some reproachfully, and others ignorantly, call them Lay Elders. But the 
' distinction of the Clergie and Laity is Popish and Antichristian. The name of 
' Clergie, appropriate to Ministers, is full of pride and vaine glory, and hath 
• made the holy people of God to be despised, as if they were prophane and 
' uncleane in comparison of their Ministers.' — Assertion of the Government of the 
Church of Scotland in the Points of Ruling Elders, etc., Edinburgh, 1641, p. 3. 

" Bishop's Declinator. — Large Declaration, 252. 

^ 'Elders are of three sorts (i) Preaching Elders or Pastors, (2) Teaching 
Elders or Doctors, (3) Ruling Elders. All these are elders, because they have 
voice in Presbyteries and all Assemblies of the Church, and the Government of 
the Church is incumbent to them all,' — Assertion, ut supra, p. 8. 


theless, resolved to call an Assembly. By way of clearing the 
ground, and as a substantial bid for the support of the mass of 
the people, who might be supposed not to care much about 
such matters as the Royal Prerogative and theories of church 
government, provided the recent innovations were removed, 
Charles issued a Proclamation expressing his detestation of 
Popery ; virtually sweeping away all the innovations ; declar- 
ing that Bishops who had abused their powers should be 
subject to trial by the General Assembly; and directing that a 
free Assembly should be held at Glasgow on 21st November 

The famous Assembly met in the great Cathedral on the 
appointed day amid scenes of intense excitement, Baillie's 
vivid description of which ^ recalls Macaulay''s well-known 
picture of the opening of the impeachment of Warren Hast- 
ings in Westminster Hall. The ministers and elders who 
had been sent up as Commissioners were, almost to a man, 
enthusiastic Covenanters, eager to condemn the innovations 
and to sit in judgment on the Prelates. Henderson was elected 
Moderator, and Wariston Clerk ^ and afterwards Procurator 
or Legal Adviser. Hamilton speedily foresaw what the result 
would be if an Assembly so constituted were allowed to pro- 
ceed to business, and therefore, on the plea that ruling elders 
had no right to be members, he, on 29th November,* declared 
the Assembly dissolved and departed. The Assembly, how- 
ever, after his departure, passed a formal resolution that it 
Avas a lawful Assembly, and might continue to sit till its 
business was despatched. It accordingly sat till 20th Decem- 
ber, and in the interval it swept away the whole fabric of 
Episcopacy, rejected and condemned, as unlawful innovations, 
the changes in the forms of church government and worship 
introduced by the King, deposed and excommunicated both 

^ Large Declaration, 137. - Baillie, i. 123 ei seq. 

'"^ 'A nonsuch for a clerk.' — Baillie, i. 122. * Peterkin, 44. 


the Archbishops and six of the Bishops, and deposed without 
excommunicating six more of the Bishops. 

The cup was now full. Charles felt that he had been defied 
and insulted before the world, and at once proceeded to hasten 
on the preparations which he had for some time been quietly 
making^ for punishing his rebellious subjects. On 26th 
January 1639 he summoned his English nobility to meet him 
at York on 1st April, each with a suitable following, on the 
plea, absolutely without foundation, that the Scots might 
invade England. His real intention undoubtedly was to 
reduce the Scots to obedience by force of arms. To that 
end he had planned landings of troops on the shores of the 
Clyde and the coast of Argyllshire ; the north was to be 
secured by the Marquis of Huntly ; Hamilton with a fleet was 
to enter the Firth of Forth ; and the King with his army was 
to advance to the Tweed. While at York he published a 
Proclamation promising to grant an act of oblivion to all such 
as should within eight days lay down their arms, declaring 
such as should not obey rebels, and ordering their vassals and 
tenants not to acknowledge them, nor pay them any rent, but 
to reserve one half of it to the King's use, and the other half 
to their own use. But the projected landings on the west 
coast did not take place ; the Earl of Montrose disposed of 
Huntly and the town of Aberdeen ; Hamilton's fleet, which 
entered the Forth on 1st May, could not effect anything 
beyond the taking of a few ships; and the Covenanters 
would not allow the Proclamation to be read. The Royal 
army was assembled at the Birks near Berwick early in May, 
and the King himself arrived there about 30th May,^ nine days 
after the commencement of Wariston's Diary. His army had 
no heart for the war. Sir Ralph Verney wrote to his son on 
1st May, ' I dare say ther was never . . . soe unwilling an 
army brought to fight.' And on 5th May he wrote, 'This 

1 See Letters, the King to Hamilton : Burnet's Memoires, pp. 55, 59. 

2 Verney Papers, 241. 


' daye I spake with an understanding Scottishman, and one 
' that is affected the moderate waye. Hee is confident noe- 
' thing will sattisfye them but taking awaye all bishopps, and 
' I dare saye the King will never yeelde to that, soe wee must 
' bee miserable." ^ 

The Covenanters were determined to resist to the utmost. 
They composed the great majority of the nation, and were 
thoroughly organised. Alexander Leslie, the hero of the 
defence of Stralsund, who had learned the art of war under 
the great Gustavus, was appointed general in chief, and the 
Nobles served under him as Colonels of their respective regi- 
ments. Large supplies of arms and ammunition had been 
imported from the Continent. The great strongholds of the 
country had been captured, and Leith had been fortified. A 
force had been sent under the command of Montrose to over- 
awe Aberdeen and the north-east ; and considerable bodies of 
men had been stationed along the shores of the Forth to watch 
the English fleet. The main army which was to oppose 
directly that of the King was quartered in the villages of East 
Lothian, when Leslie, with his colonels, set out to take the 
immediate command on the 21st of May, the day when the 
Diary was begun. 

The Society desire specially to express their acknowledg- 
ments to Mr. Maxton Graham for his kindness in placing the 
manuscript of the Diary at their disposal, and to Sir James 
Gibson Craig of Riccarton, Baronet, for allowing his unique 
portrait of Wariston by Jameson e to be photographed as a 


Verney Papers, 228, 231 


Upon Tuesday the 21 of May 1639, my Lord Generall with 
sundrie of his Colonells, the Earle of Rothes, my Lord Lindsay, 
my Lord Loudon, my Lord Yester, my Lord Montgomerie, 
my Lord Dalhusie, with five and fourtie peece of canon marcht 
from Ed'' to Haddingtoun wher my Lord Rothes and my Lord 
Montgomeries regiments wer lying. ^ 

Upon Wednesday the 22 May the Lord Generall went to 
Dumbar wher my Lord Lindsay and my Lord Loudon, my 
Lord Yester, and ray Lord Muntros regiments wer lying ther 
and ther abouts. 

This night eighteene ships which wer lying above Inchcome 
came downe to the rode of Leeth. *-> OO /^ ^f^ 

This day ane letter from the noblemen, ^Lbli^nari^ Articles 
was taken in to the Comissioner by Mr. Wm. Cunynghame. 

Upon Thursday the 23 May ^ twentie of the English ships 
went from the rode of Leeth to the May, the guards of both 
coasts of Louthian and Fyfe following them. 

The Generall went from Dumbar to see Tantallan.^ 

Ane letter sent to the whole Shy res. 
' Right Honorable, These are to desire the Noblemen 
within your shyre with all possible diligence to send hither to 

1 '21 May 1639. Twysday. This day Generall Leslie, Erl Rothes, and 
Lord Lyndsay, tuik journey to the bound rod.' 

' 23 May 1639. Item, Mr. Alexander Henrysoun, with Mr. Archibald John- 
stoun, raid to the bound Rod.' — Diary of Sir Thomas Hope (Bannatyne Club), 
97. Henderson and Wariston no doubt accompanied the army as the official 
representatives of the Church, having been respectively Moderator and Clerk 
of the last General Assembly. 

- This castle, now a ruin, was then a place of great strength. It was taken 
by Cromwell in 1651, 'after he had battred at the for wall 12 dayes continually 
with grate canon.' — Balfour, iv. 249. 


the borders at the least the two part of the horses and horse- 
men both of Gentlemen and yeomans who will readylier come 
out with them nor^ without them, conforme to Instructions 
befor sent to Shyres theranent, if they be not already come 
away befor this advertisement. The king's armie especially of 
horsemen lying now close upon our borders in despight of all 
foot companies may and will assuredly ravage all the country, 
and ryde into the heart of the kingdom w'^'^ our footmen 
cannot imped, bot we both remaine useles to other pairts bot 
q*" they are guarding and be in hazard of the enemies horse 
in the feilds except the horse come to us and that av* all 
possible expedition, lest they mak our foot armies to ly still 
heere spending our victuals, q'"as having the horsemen we 
might both march to the borders, gett assurance either of 
present peace or warre and stay the enemie from spoyling the 
countrie ; let not any man now either linger or think it suffi- 
cient to send any unworthy body or a bachling naig^ in his 
stead, seeing our enemies strength consists in ther horse, 
Bot as they love the standing of Gods cause and liberties of 
this kirk and kingdome, let them use extraordinarie diligence 
in this extraordinarie exigent to come themselves and hasten 
others to come, either w* carrabeins, hagbuts, pistols, or jacks 
and lances, or swords and lances, or any other fensible weapon. 
Lykeas we most earnestly requyre the noblemen and gentlemen 
in everie paroch that whosoever steales away from this armie 
home w*out ane passe from us or his owne Colonell be 
presently putt in yrons and sent back to the armies to suffer 
exemplary punishment. Your affectionat freinds 

Duvibar 24 of May 1639. 

Upon Fryday the 24 May ther come two Comissioners with 
ane supplication from the Colledg of Justice to my Lord 
General!, desyring not to be tyed to march all on foot from 
Ed"^ presently, wherunto the Generall condescended and desyred 
them to make up ane troup of horse, and to report this his 
desyre to them that sent them. 

This night Captaine Winnercom brought alongs with him 
from Ed"^ one of his Ma*^'^® trumpeters who came from my 

1 than. - A shambling nag. 


Lord Holland ^ through Kelso with one letter to the noble 
men of Scotland and with one to the Earle of Argyle. 

My Lords — As it hath beene my fortune to have receaved 
great expressions from yow of the disposition of your Loyalty 
and dueties to his Matie, so is it now to give your L°p ane 
occasion to shew it by your obedience to this his Maties pro- 
clamation which asking bot civile and temporall obedience 
from his naturall kingdome having beene borne in the bowels 
of it, I most beleeve by the earnest professions of love and 
duty to him and lykwyse by the eminence of your qualities, 
that so justly ought to serve what created them : 

Your L°P^ will most joyfully and readily submitt to that 
which in this sacred and powerfull way is thus demanded 
from you, by which meanes you may not onlie avoyd that 
name yow professe so litle to deserve, but lykewyse shunne 
in all your particulars the inconveniences of it with those 
others of the publick threatned in the distraction of these 
kingdomes which are so intressed in the safety and prosperity 
of each other as their differences will appeare as unnaturall 
toward ourselves as it may prove unfortunate. The fulness of 
my heart upon this occasion maks me say more then is propper 
for me, since I am rather to obey in this office then to advyse, 
— My Lords I am your Lo^^ humble servant Holland 

From my quarter this 
20 of May. 

My Lord — I have receaved a civilitie that challenges a 
reall returne of it unto your L°p, and truelie I can in nothing 
expresse it so much as in my letter and freindlie persuasions to 
your L*P that ye wold upon this occasion advyse as you pro- 
fesse that your religion and Lawes being safe ther is no un- 
dutiefulnes or violence intended, I am confident neither of 
them will justifie the disobeying of such a comand as the 
retiring of those forces that hath beene raised without them, 
And my Lord in the freedome and sinceritie of my heart and 
conscience give me leave to say It most appeare strange to our 
Soveraigne Lord and Master thus to be faced with ane Armie 

^ The Earl of Holland was General of the Horse in the King's Army. 


that hath covered us all so many yeares under the wings of 

peace, when all other princes have beene laid open to the rage 

and calamities of warre; if this deserve not, vfith so many other 

blessings of his personall vertues, the retiring to such a distance 

as the least motione of his Ma/ just sword may not fall upon 

you I leave it to your conscience, w°^ can never enquire to 

find any so guilty of the moving of any thing towards such 

distractions as these must be, that may with ther honour and 

duety thus remove to preveine them. All thus my Lord wer I 

your brother I should offer unto you, which is the best and 

truest expression of my being your L"'' most humble servant 

From my quarter Holland 

22 May. 

^ BytlieK'mg^ 

Charles by the Grace of God, King of Great Britaine,^ 
Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith. To all 
our loving subjects whom it shall or may concerne; Greeting, 
Wheras we ar thus farr advanced in our Royall person with our 
armie, and the attendance of our nobility and gentry of this 
kingdome, and intend to be shortly at our good towne of 
Barwicke, with purpose to give our good people of Scotland all 
just satisfaction in Parliament, as soone as the present dis- 
orders, and tumultuous proceidings of some there, ar quieted : 
and will leave us a faire way of comming lyke a gracious king 
to declare our good meaning to them : But finding some cause 
of impediment and that this nation doth apprehend (that con- 
trarie to their professions) ther is ane intention to invade this 
our kingdome of England, We doe therfor to cleare all doubts, 
that may breed scruples in the mynds of our good subjects of 
either kingdome, reiterate this our just and reall protestation : 
That if all civile and temporall obedience be effectually and 
tymely given and shewen unto us we doe not intend to invade 
them with any hostilitie. But, if they shall without our 
especiall authority and command raise any armed troupes, and 
draw them downe within ten miles of our border of England, 

^ This Proclamation was issued at Newcastle on 14th May 1639. An original 
print has been preserved at Queen's College, Oxford, which Mr. Firth has been 
good enough to collate with this copy. Peterkin's copy is inaccurate and mis- 
leading. ^ England in original print. 


zee shall then intej-pret that as an invasion of our said Kingdome 
of England^ and in that case doe expressly command the 
Generall of our armie and our superiour officers of the same, 
respectively to proceede against them as Rebells, and Invaders 
of this our kingdome of England, and to the outmost of their 
power to sett upon them and destroy them, In which they 
shall doe a singular service both to our honour and safety. 

Given at our Court at Newcastle the fourteenth day of May, 
in the fifteenth yeare of our raigne. 

God Save the King. 

Imprinted at Newcastle by Robert Barker printer to the 
Kings Most Excellent Majestic : and by the assignes of Jhon 
Bill 1639. 

Upon the 25 May being Saturday we sent away with the 
trumpeter Sir Jhon Hume of Blacader Knight with our answer 
to my Lord Holland and with privat instructions to himself. 

Our Noble Lord — As nothing can be more acceptable to us 
then to heare that his Matie is pleased to give just satisfaction 
unto us and to all his good people, so shall we ever be willing 
with all due respect to remember and honour all such as shal 
be so happie as to be mediators to procure the same, w<=^ we 
acknowledg to be yours at this tyme, And for our part shall 
to the outermost of our power render all civile and temporall 
obedience unto his Ma/ as tymely and effectually as may be 
with the preservation of our Ly ves and safety of the Countrey, 
And therfor as we doe humblie intreat and certainely expect 
that his Ma/ is willing to cleare all doubts that may bread 
scruples in the mynds of the good subjects of either king- 
dome, will in his justice recall all his forces by sea which are 
lying heere within our bosome to our great hinderance, will 
release our Ships arrested in his Ma/ other dominions, will 
remove his armies from the borders for our securitie, and will 
be graciouslie pleased to give signification of his Ma/ will for 
accomodation of affaires in such a peaceable way whether by 
the conference of some pry me and well affected men of both 

^ The italics were omitted in the Diary. See original print. 


nations or any other meane (which we presume not to 
prescryve) as may prove more powerfull then those already 
assayed hath done, So doe we resolve in all humilitie presently 
to doe his Ma/ will in keeping our armies within the bounds of 
his Ma/ limitation, and to performe all things we can conceave 
may conduce for our common peace, The speedy effectuating of 
this on both sydes, as your Lo/ knowes to be his Ma/ honour. 
So doe we know it to be the well of this his Ma/ kiiigdome now 
in armes whose present condition is such that it cannot indure 
longer delay, and all men who looke upon us will perceave 
to be the scattering of that dark clouds which hingeth over 
the two kingdomes. This blessed work if your Lo/ who hath 
begunne so happily shall bring to passe which from the know- 
ledg of his Ma/ justice and goodnes we suppose to be facible 
by your Lo/ and others who hath accesse And therfor intrust 
this Gentleman Sir Jhon Hume of Blacader Knight with 
further information, Then shall we yet be further obliedged to 
prove Your lo/ humble servants 

Lochend the 25 Mai/ 1639. 

Ye shall shew my Lord Holland 

1. The true estate of the question whether we shal be 
governed by generall assemblies in matters ecclesiasticall and 
by parliament in matters civile unto whose decision we have 
ever submitted ourselves, our person our cause and our pro- 
ceidings ; albeit proclamations be wrapt up in generals of 
religion and Law, yet the grounds of both ar condemned in 
particular, as our covenant with God and the generall 
assemblie wherof we cannot obtaine ane ratification in 

2. That we never had any intention either to diminish his 
Ma/ authority and Monarchic or invade our neighbour king- 
dome bot only to defend ourselves in the mantenance of our 
religion and liberties. 

3. That we have hitherto used all possible meanes by sup- 
plications, informations etc both to cleare our intentions to 
his Ma/ and our neighbour nation. 

4. That, to show the greatest testimony of our civile 


obedience after by proclamation ^ we wer declared rebells and 
traitours, we most humblie renewed our Supplications wryte to 
sundry noblemen of England and most heartily consented to 
the prorogation of the Parliament. 

5. That the English Navie hes now lyen this fourthnight 
in our Firth stopping all trade and commerce betwixt this 
and any other natione, taking our ships, boats, barks, their 
victuals, goods, geire and moneyes detaining the men both 
mariners and passengers or forcing them to sweare oathes 
contrare to our religion and lawes, 

6. That manifestoes and relations of our foul conspiracies 
(as they call them) ar published to the world against us and 
yet never one of them suffered to be sent home to lett us know 
our accusations, that our estates be disponed to our tennents 
and our lyves subjected to all wold be rewarded for the taking 

7. That albeit it be strange that ane forraigne armie after 
threatning our destruction shall march to our borders ready 
to come in upon us at their pleasure, and we who intended 
and professe not to send any bot defend ourselves should be 
discharged from the bounds so lyable to their invasion, yet 
to give full satisfaction in everie poynt, we ar content to stay 
our armies upon assurance of the present removing of the 
navie from our firth and armies from the borders. 

8. That it is not lykely that matters of so great importance 
as is now to be treated upon can so shortly be broght to a 
conclusion as necessitie requyreth by interchange of letters 
and intercourse of mesgres etc., doth therfor seeme convenient 
that a conference wer appointed betwixt some of the nobility 
of Ingland and some of our nobilitie in some convenient place 
upon the march so speedily as may be which doubtles will 
prove the best way to accommodat bussines shortlie. 

This day Mr. Wm. Cunynghame broght back the Comis- 
sioner his answere and tooke a new letter back with him. 
This day order was sent to Crowner Muntroe ^ to march 

York Proclamation. See p. 32. 

Colonel Munro was in command of a force then quartered at Dumfries. 


hither seeing we heard the troupes of Carleel wer come towards 

Upon the Sabboth the 26 May my Lord Generall heard 
sermon in Dumbar church wher Mr. Alex"^ Henderson did 
beginne to preach upon the fight of the Israehtes with Amalek. 

Afternoone we liad intelHgence by one come from the armie 
that the Kings Matie with his armie had marcht to Gozik ^ 
with ten regiments twelve colours in everie regiment, a 
hundreth men under everie colour, and of the blacknes of the 
bread wherwith they wer intertained. 

This night the Kings ships chast a litle barge into the 
Sketerraw, and my Lord Generall rode away to Kelso to order 
my Lord Louthian and my Lord Askins ^ regiments and the 
Shirreffe of Tividailes horse troupe. 

Upon Munday the 27 May the Laird of Blacader, returning 
from my Lord Holland, desyred ane alteration of ane mitigat- 
ing interpretation of the letters sent to my Lord which we sett 
downe in some articles and sent away with Blacader. 

' The noblemen who did direct and subscry ve the answer to 
my Lord Hollands letter ar not heere for the present to enter 
upon any new deliberation, neither can they be broght together 
so soone as that the bearer may keepe the dyet appointed 
by his Lo/, we who are heere understanding the right and 
loyall meaning of all the particulars contained in the same 
may be answerable to his Lo/ and to those of our owne who 
ar absent for saying so much as may be a remedie against all 

' My Lord knoweth how great reason we have to apprehend 
ane invasion, for his Maties proclamations threaten no lesse, 
all preparations for warre ar used, all supplications and means 
assayed by us ar rejected : Manifestoes ar published against us 
and keeped up from us, our lands and estates disponed to our 
vassals and tennents,^ the fleet lyeth heere to our great and 
dayly hinderance, the armies ar now come to the borders ; 
matters so standing, how necessary it is that we see to 

^ Goswick lay nearly opposite the north point of Holy Island. 

^ Erskine's. 3 York Proclamation. 


ourselves, and doe and labour for all things conducing for our 
lawfull defence My Lord and all wyse men can judge, and 
more then defence we have not intended. 

' His Lo/ wold be pleasd to consider that we have under- 
taken to give present obedience to his Ma/ will in keeping the 
distance of place designed, and doe not capitulat that his Ma/ 
should remove his armies to the lyke distance, bot doe earnstly 
begg and humblie supplicat that his Maties armies by sea and 
land may be so farr removed or in his Maties justice so disposed 
upon that we may be secured from invasion and that our com- 
merce and country now blocked up may be made free, What 
urgent necessity there is that this be granted althogh cravd 
by way of supplication as beseemeth humble subjects we desyre 
his Lo/ will take to consideration. 

' The earnst desyre we have of pacification and to give 
both his Matie and the whole nation just content may be kent 
by our proposition for a meeting of some pryme and well 
affected men, and by our readines to accept any the lyke meane 
which shal be prescryved to us and serving most for the Kings 
honour and our common peace, and this way of pacification in 
the generall is that which is meant in our answer wher we 
spake of a speedy effectuating, and q"" we say that it is begunne 
happily by his Lo/ who knowth that both for his Maties 
honour and for the estate of both kingdomes now in arnies a 
speedy accomodation is most necessarie."' 

This day the pay of the regiments at Dumbar and Had- 
dingtoun was changd from mony unto victual, and because 
sundry souldiers wer not content with their quarters my Lord 
Lindsay and my Lord Loudon quartered them in the feilds. 

Upon Tuesday the 28 of May upon advertisement that 
some Englishmen had proclaimed the proclamation at Hay- 
mouth and Aytoun, other some had taken in Ethringtoun, and 
others had slaine some scores of sheepe pertaining to the Laird 
of Blacadder, and all had pitched their tents up and downe the 
water of Tweid, there was ane letter writen in to the Com- 
mittee of Ed' with ane commoun advertisement for the whole 
shyres, and ane other letter to the ministers of Ed"" to be sent 
to the whole presbyteries. 


For the Committe at Ed'' and from thence to he sent to the 
whole Shyres. 

Wlieras it was formerly appointed that if the Kings armie 
should approach to the border with any great force that upon 
warning all should be ready upon the first call to march with 
what armes they could horse and foot, this is therfor to warne 
all that loves the good of this cause and their owne safetie to 
come in all haste once this week, and bring what they can of 
a months provision, and let the rest follow them : for if ther 
come a competent number together we shal be able to hold 
them up from breaking in unto the country, which if once they 
get fitting 1 it will not be easie to bring them to a stand, and 
upon the guard of thir parts depends the safetie of the whole 
kingdome,they that shal be found wanting now ar enemies to this 
cause and their country, Stirre up one another and remember 
that all your charter kists ar lying at the border : We shall 
beare them witnes, hot let none stay at home when strangers ar 
hyred for three shillings a week to make us all slaves, they are 
not worthy to be freemen that will stay at home and neglect 
their country, which is now ready to bleed for their neglect, 
some of the enemies ar come over the border, Ethringtoun is 
taken, Haymouth is feared to be taken this night, wher is a 
great magazin of victuals ; if horse and foot haste not we can 
hardly here hold them up ; be not wanting to yourselves, and 
be confident God will send ane outgate to all these difficulties : 
So in haste looking for all dispatch at your hands whom it 
alyke concernes I rest. 

My Lord — Receave the generall directions to call up all 
the kingdome in armes, take the gentlemen of several shyres 
where they ar in towne and send them in post hast through all 
the shyres to call them all up with what armes they gett. The 
Kings armie is about Berwick, places ar saised upon the 
borders Haymouth is feared to be taken this night where is 
the magazin of our victual, if they see not speedy help the 
border wil be lost, we have no horsmen at all, ther is no 
provision of victuals and money ; if that everie one set not up 

^ footing. 


his rest upon this and come presently it will be difficult to draw 
to ane head, Let everie one pray to God and putt to his hand 
and God will send us releife; for the six companies about Leeth I 
have sent order to requyre them to march hither, since many of 
the souldiers ar out of the ships the town of Ed'' and Leeth 
may guard the shoare : what other encouragments ar fitting 
to be given to all I doubt not bot ye will make use of them, I 
will wryte to Argyle and ye must doe the lyke from the table 
that he bring all along with him. They that comes upon this 
call most bring provision with them for few dayes and the rest 
most follow of the months provision. 

My Lord send a coppy of this warning, direct to you, to all 
the Shyres ; adde a letter of your owne to enforce the same from 
the Table. 

Lochend 28 Ma^ 1639. 

Reverend and Beloved in the Lord — Yee will perceave 
by the warning given to the Shyres what great need ther is of 
assembling all forces that may be had toward the borders ; we 
neid not make any new representation of the present danger 
unto you. We will only intreat you as ye love Christ and 
your own peace, and as ye wish that yourselves and the people 
committed to your charge may be saved from spirituall and 
bodyly slaverie, that ye will now bestirre yourselves in your 
severall places and in the most powerfull way ye can conceave ; 
stirre up all betwixt sixty and sixteen both horse and foot to 
march forward to the border neither staying upon armes bot 
bringing such weapons with them as they have, nor one com- 
pany staying upon another bot comming as they themselves ar 
in readines with what provision they can have in haste in 
victual or money or can have to follow them upon carriage 
horses, for ther is no other meane left unto us now for peace or 
for victory under God, who wold be entreated by fasting and 
prayer in publick and private by all who ar not able to come 
on, that this his owne cause and work, to which his Matie hath 
called us and which he hath countenanced and carried on so 
farr by so many evidences of his gracious and powerfull pre- 
sence, be not now when it is come to the shock deserted and 
forsaken by himself. We ar yet confident in our Lord that if 


the people at home be exercised in prayer, and so many as are 
able to come on linger not, the event shal be a matter of praise 
to our God and of Christian and civile peace to this land, for 
which we also who ar marching on shall joyne as beecometh 
Your loving freinds and brethren in the lord 
Dumhar May 28. 

Let the first to whose hands these shall come send them 
presently to his nearest neighbour and see y* all be advertysed 

Ane other letter to the Earle of Argyle to that same purpose, 
a letter to the Earle of Marshall and to the Earle of Muntrose 
to stirre up the North to that same purpose, ane letter to the 
Laird of Blacader to complaine to my Lord Holland of these 
wrongs done during the treatie. 

Ane preceise order writen to Crowner Muntroe to march night 
and day to Jedburgh, ane letter to my Lord Jhonstoun to 
hasten all their horsmen and what foot may be spared hither, 
ane letter to the Earle of Louthian my Lord Ker and Sheirife 
of Tividaile to gather ther horse and foot together to remove 
their victual and cattels, and keep themselves in the feilds, ane 
letter to the Earle of Hume to draw his people together both 
horse and foot at Dunse and to bring away all victual and 
cattels from the border, ane letter to my Lord Dalhusie to 
march presently to Dumbar, Many other letters written to 
sundrie Noblemen both West and North to stirre them up. 

This night my Lord Generall went to Coberspeth.^ 

Upon Wednesday the 29 May my Lord Muntros and my 
Lord Lindsayes regiments marched with the canon to the 
leaguer a little bewest Dunglas and encamped there wher we 
learned of the people of Haymouth and Aytoun applauding 
to the proclamation and sent them the warning following : -^ 

Lykeas finding great deficiency of victuals and appearance 
of greater in tyme comming for want of care and good order 
in the Commissers we gave many orders to Dumbar, Hadding- 
toun for continuall baking and brewing and sending to the 

Cockburnspath. - See next page. 


camp, we wrote sundry advertisements to Ed'' for sending the 
baken briskatt they had, for baking and brewing in Dalceath, 
Mussilburgh and all other places and sending it by shillops, 
boats or cariag horses, to Haymouth, Cauringhame, Cold- 
streame, Dunce to transport all ther victuals to the camp toward 
Coberspeth, we used all meanes and yet found litle supplie, pray- 
ing God to give us greater wisdome to direct, and men greater 
diligence to execute, and be his providence he furnished us lest 
for want we dissolved, which we trust in God he will prevent 
and albeit a naturall mind might presently despaire for this 
want, yea the want of all the necessares of warre, men, horses, 
victual, money, munition, comanders, order and dicipline, yet 
we know in q™ we trust, that in his providence as he lives he 
will most certainly crowne this work with his grace with the 
capstone of a glorious successe 

A7ie zoarning Jrom the Armie to the people of' Hay mouth and 

' We cannot wonder enough neither ar we a litle greived that 
ye should be so simple as to suffer yourselves to be deceaved 
with the faire promises of that late declaration which is even 
now published amongst you : have ye forgotten for what 
necessary causes we have taken armes, how often we have 
petitioned for our religion and liberties and all in vaine, what 
meanes have been assayed against us to work division, and that 
this is the last temtation for the same end ; will ye be perjured 
against God, losse all your former labours, and by your defec- 
tion or wavering now losse your country, religion, liberties, 
and lyves : Ar we not heere in armes ready to take part with 
you to the last dropp of our blood ; is not the whole kingdome 
obleiged to stand for yours and there owne defence, shall ye 
dreame to yourselves to be free of invasion of both hands. 
Our Religion and Lawes in the general ar promised, Bot when 
we supplicat for them in particular as we have them established 
they ar refused Assure yourselves that hopes of gaining lands 
and money es this way will but deceave you ; may not Aberdeene 
and the places about be a present example unto you, God 


forbidd that so base and unchristian thoughts as we heare of 
you should harbour in true Scottish and Christian hearts.' 

Upon Thursday the 30 May ther was ane order and warrant 
given to the mariners of Fyfe and Louthian to help and defend 
all boats and barks from the invasion of the English ships and 
catches ; order also given to Ed"" and Leeth to guard by three 
companies Newheaven and Leeth, and to lett my Lord Foster's 
regiment, the Colledg of justice and other companies that was 
guarding that coast to march. 

We receaved Blacaders letter anent my Lord Hollands 
answer, whereof the tenour is in the next page. 

My Noble Lords — I Avas at my Lord Holland yesterday, 
and this morning was on horseback to come to your Lo^^, bot 
befor I had ridden a mile I tooke such a pain in my back about 
my eares that I was scarce able to return home so that I am 
constrained to write to your LoP^ my Lord Hollands answer 
which is that the king was pleased with the obedience given 
to his Ma/ proclamation of keeping the armie ten myles from 
the borders, bot wheras your LqP^ desyred a melting of some 
Noblemen on both sydes for a treatie, the kings Ma/ having 
now come this farr with his royall armie and being ingaged in 
his honour and reputation by taking of his Castles and orna- 
ments of his Crowne, and having the eyes of all men upon these 
actions, his Maties will was that his Castles and crowne should 
be delivered back to him without which he could neither keepe 
a parliament, nor have a place to lodge in at a parliament 
which as it was ane obedient and peaceable way so it was the 
most handsome way of obedience ; and as for byegones his Ma/ 
wold remitt all ; w*^^ in effect seemes to me to be the verie 
tenour of the proclamation ; my Lord said also that the King 
seeing the uncleanlines of the places of divyne worship even 
on the borders of England and also in Scotland wold have 
helped that one wold have wished things of that kynd to have 
beene reformed in a more comelie manner, bot seeing this nation 
so willfully bent for matters of religion the King was purposed 
to give them their will in these things y^ concernes religion, 
and if his Matie wer obeyed he wold come to Ed"^ in quyet 


and peaceable manner and hold a Parliament for selling of all 
disorders ; this is all in effect y* I could conceave or remember 
of my Lord Hollands discourse which I desyred he might 
wryte and give me to carry bot he refused and said if your 
LoP. had any further to wryte to him he wold answer it in 
wryte. Concerning the lambs taken at Fishwick they wer 
nyne and twentie of them only by some unruly souldiers, and 
their commanders sent to offer satisfaction either in punishment 
of ther bodyes or pryce of the goods, and concerning Ethring- 
touns house it was a vaine conceat of a idle man young West- 
nisbitt. I am sorry that I was not able to come to your Lo/ 
and if your Lo/ have any more to wryte to my Lord Holland 
send it to me if your Lo/ please and I shall either goe with it 
if I be able or send my sonne, I am sorrie of my unability at 
this tyme w°^ lies hindered to speak with your Lo^, for the 
common people are all in such a feare y* lyes upon the border 
neare the Inglish Camp that they can scarce be kept from 
yeilding and some ar found to have done it already — rests 
your LoP. humble servant Jhon Hume. 

Blacader 30 May 1639. 

I was informed by a man [who] told the colours that the 
first night the English encamped ther was threescore colours, 
and sensyne ther is some moe come which it is thoght came 
out of the ships w*^*^ some calls two some three thousand men. 

Upon Friday the 31 May in the morning we had ane alarme 
by sundrie bearers alledging that the whole English armie was 
marching to Bounce, therafter we learned the truth of it that 
ther was ane thousand English horse with my Lord Holland 
who came to Bounce in the morning to preveene the Earle of 
Humes conveening of the regiment of the Merse at Bounce, 
did ther read the proclamation and tooke away the Laird of 
Rentons charter kist out of the Castle of Bovnice and retired 
therafter home againe, We wer advertised that sundrie in 
the Merse had yeelded already and farr moe was to yeeld, 
wherupon we send the third warning or summonds to raise 
the country betwixt sixty and sixteen and sent it to the 
Committee of Ed"" to be sent to all the Shyres. 


' Right Honourable and Loving Freinds — We have done 
our part first in requyring you to be ready upon advertisement 
to come to the border when necessity should urge ; we have 
next given warning that the necessity presseth sore and that 
ye should come forward horse and foot without staying of one 
company upon another ; and now we tell you and give you the 
third summonds that as ye love your country, your conscience, 
your lyves and liberties, and wold be delivered from the 
destruction threatned against us ye wold haste haste hither, 
and be not deceavd with further hopes of peace except by 
this meane, neither be ye detained any longer by the appre- 
hension of the particular invasion of the pairts of the country 
wher any of you have your residence, for all the souldiers 
that wer in the ships ar landed at Barwick to help the armie 
there. Shall our enemies be more forward for invasion against 
the truth and for our slaverie, then we for our defence, for the 
truth, and for our libertie ? In end they have neither Christian 
nor Scottish hearts who will expose their religion, their countrie, 
ther neighbours and themselves to this present danger without 
taking part with them, and stand out for any respect under 
Heaven against this warning of 

Your assured freinds. 

From the Camp hesyd 
Dunglas, 30 Mai/. 

Since the wryting of this the Kings horsmen came this 
morning 31 May to Dounse, therfor haste haste hither with q* 
provision of weapons and victual ye can bring and let the rest 
of your months provision follow you with all diligence. 

My Noble Lord — These ar to show you the Kings hors- 
men ar this morning come to Dounse, therfor in all haste haste 
send away this letter to the shyres with ane assured bearer. We 
have neither scene your horsemen, nor of any other shyre, so 
they may ryde wher they please without any possible im- 
pediment from us, We have receaved no spades, nor howes, 
no swyne feathers wherby we may intrinch ourselves. Let their 
danger and ours both stirre up greater diligence in us all or 
we will all repent it ; see yesterdayes directions anent supplying 
us with bread and drink, obey it in haste or else we will 


dissolve for want of baking and brueing, and if the few people 
heere be cutt of for want of materiall to intrinch ourselves or 
dissolve for want of intertainement, or the horsmen ryde into 
y' bounds for want of horsemen it is not our fault who gives 
warning on warning bot the fault of your Lordships in Ed' 
and gentry in the shyres. 

Sent in haste haste. 

31 Mayjrom the Camp 
hesyd Dujiglas. 

At Dimglas 31 May. 

One Jhon Oliphant a youth of North Berwick was taken at 
the passe, being a servant to Sir Henry Vane. 

After great enquirie he told us at last that his M*". desyred 
that he should try wher Generall Leslie lay and what forces he 
had and by his discourse. 

One M"" Tuesden putt him on this imployment. 

Ther was ane letter writen to my Lord Hume mentioning 
these things that had past in the Merse that day and desyring 
his Lo/ to come to Dunglas the next day where they might 
advyse concerning the safetie of the country ; this letter was 
given to Wetherburne to be sent to him. 

Ther came letters also from Kelso from my Lord Askin to 
informe of their estate. Captain Hume was sent from Munroe 
to shew the regiments comming to Jeddard according to former 

Upon this ther was order sent to my Lord Louthian, to 
Colonell Munroe, and ane order to my Lord Phleeming that 
was marching thither that they should all draw together 
at Kelso and ther make the place fast against the English 
horsmen, that they should keep diligent watch and have good 
intelligence of the enemie that when they beganne to dislodge 
they might make ready also and come and march towards the 
armie that was lying besyd Dunglas. 

Upon Saturday the 1 of June ther came a letter from Sel- 
chrig sent by my Lord Phleeming telling of his four com- 
panies and some few horse that wer with him, and of the 


hinderance that Lambingtoun had made to that leavie, and 
of the want of amunition ; his order was renewed to joyne with 
the rest at Kelso and ther to attend ther common direction. 

Ther was another letter sent to the Proveist and Bailzeis of 
Ed*", ane answer that they requyred of the guard from New- 
heaven to Cramont that Midlouthian should guard, this was 
recommended to my Lord Balmirrinoe that he should see it 
performed, in which letter also he was forwarnd as befor of all 
the necessityes of the armie. 

Ther was another letter written to the Committee of warre 
in Fyfe by the Generall subscryved by my Lord Rothes 
Lindsay taxing ther negligence in sending out of horsmen, and 
suffering so many to stay at home besydes these that guarded 
the coast, when the necessity was so great at the border they 
wer ane evill example to others in sending out all betwixt sixty 
and sixteen that had amies. 

This day also ther come letters from my Lord Kircubright 
and others and a petition from the towne of Dumfrise com- 
plaineing of the taking away from them Colonel Munroe and 
his regiment and of laying them open and ther country to the 
malice of their enemies the Maxwells and their adherents at 
home and to the invasion of any forces from England. 

This day ane English catch chased in the ship of Kirkadie 
unto the Scatterraw, shott sundrie peaces at her, bot was im- 
peded from taking her. She had twenty carrabeins, twentie 
paire of Franch pistoles, fourscore muskett, and nyne hundreth 
weght of ponder. 

This day ane English gentleman either really or fainedly a 
foole who was sent back as he came. 

This day the Erie of Hume came to the camp and cleared 
himself to the Generall from all misreports. 

There was the same day directions given to Wauchton and 
S"" Patrik Murray That Wauchton and S"^ Patrik Murray 
conveane the gentlemen of East Louthian and two of the 
most understanding yeomen in each paroch, who may by 
common consent appoint in each paroch a gentleman to receave 
directions and oversee the carriages and other bussines of 
victuals etc. in each paroch who may have under him two 



yoemans to be Constables to asist the execution and see 
directions done, and to represent that on the furnishing of 
victuals and drawing of the canons consists the safetie of this 
land, for without neither can we stand a day. And therfor to 
intimate that whosoever disobeyes the ordinance, it shall forfeit 
his horse at least and hazard his lyfe to bring all our lyves 
thus in hazard. 

Coberspeth and Allhamstoks is to attend the ordinance till 
Sunday, on which day Waughtone and S'' Patrik most come 
hither to the armie, most make report of the diligence of each 
paroch, and the stent be made according to the number con- 
tained in this list, which we conjecture to be just, but ye may 
make it perfect and exact, and bring then the fourth pairt of 
the horse of ilk paroch to releave those of Coberspeth and 
Auldhamstoks on Sunday to remaine 48 houres till you 
send by turnes everie forty eight houres ane fourth part 
of each paroch to releive another fourth part, and everie 
fourth part as they come to bring the provision of victuals 
with them. 

The Presbiterie op Dumbarr. 

Haddingtoun Presbi 





. 250 





. 250 


Dirltoun, . 



. 150 




Dumbarr, . 

. 350 


Norhame [Morham], 



. 040 




Stentoun, . 

. 040 


Boutin [Bolton], 



. 100 





. 080 


Abberlady, . 



. 040 





. 200 


Saltoune, . 







Bothens, . 
Garvitt [Garvald], 


The same day ther came ane Petition from the towne of 
Dumfreis to my Lord Generall desyring that Colonel Munroe 
with his regiment might stay still there, which is heere 


' Right Honorable and Loving Freinds — We have receaved 
your letter and the petition of the toune of Dumfreis shewing 
your regraite of our sending for Colonell Munroes regiment, 
and desyring their returne to defend you against threatned 
invasion, and perfect your begunne work in Dumfreis for your 
defence, ye wold consider that seeing the Kings Matie hes 
gathered together all his forces both of sea and land hither to 
march with ane royall armie through the heart of this country, 
for preservation of the whole we ar necessitat to conveane all 
the regiments even from everie particular shy re qlk hes their 
owne feares and dangers as Fyfe, Louthian, the west coast, 
and now from the north, because being divyded we can defend 
no part sufficiently bot w^old losse all, bot being united and 
making head to the Kings maine forces, neither is it lykely they 
will sett on any other part lest it provoke our principall armie, 
and if they did invade any particular ye might defend your- 
selves for a tyme the best way ye could, and when ye ar over- 
mastered stryve by all meanes to joyne yourselves to our 
armie, and we might soone repaire your losses ; if the King 
prevaile heere none will be saife, if God make us to prevaile all 
may be safe and all losses soone repaired, especially seeing it is 
declared that whatsoever losse or prejudice any shyre or person 
shall sustaine in this cause praeferring the welfai'e of the country 
to the safetie of their owne particular shall be repute and re- 
paired by the whole kingdome as being the common interest 
and losse of all ; and that ye may perceave sensibely that we ar 
not negligent of your particular interest, we have appointed the 
Earle of Galloway, the Lord Kirkcubright, the Lord Drum- 
landrick, the Lord Jhonstoun, James Crechtoun, Laird Lag, 
Campsfeild, Closeburne, and Aplegirth and remanent gentle- 
men to conveane ther whole forces and freinds in armes and 
to joyne together and ly at Dumfreis for defence of that 
country, against all plotts and invasion from the Erie of Nids- 
daile or any other be his instigation and how soone the forces 
we expect from the rest of the Kingdome shortly shall come 
to the armie, and that we find ourselves of sufficient power to 
oppose the maine royall armie, upon the advertisement of your 
condition and danger we shall send (if then it be necessare) 
Colonel IMonroes regiment or some other as steadable to you, 


and it may be moe as ye have adoe and we may spare ; in the 
meanetyme both ye will be carefull to have ane ey upon my 
Lord Nidsdailes wayes, and give proofe of your valour and 
affection for defence of your covenant with God which tyes you 
and us all simplie, and we shall have care to see that regiments 
charges defrayed to the towne of Dumfreis, and doe desyre you 
to defend the Minister of Carlaveroke from the violence of 
those who ar within the house, as also to gather your victuals 
into Dumfreis as your magazin for your intertainement ther.' 

Upon Sunday the 2 June thir orders wer given : 

To send out two or thrie out of everie regiment to the 
severall quarters of the country to asist the Commissars in 
taking up of victuall, balking and brueing and sending it in 
to the generall proviant master that he may charge it in his 
bookes and distribute the same conforme to the proportions 
efter specified viz. to everie souldier two pound weght of aite 
bread in the day and twentie eight ounce of wheat bread and 
ane pynt of aile in the day, and what the sojours wints in one 
day shall be payd them so soone as it comes in to the 

Item that ane list of the number of everie regiment be given 
to the generall proviant master that he may distribute the 
bread and drink accordingly to ane quartermaster in everie 
regiment, who shall keepe compt and give his note to the said 
generall proviant master. 

Item that the souldiers bring back the towne barrels and 
puncheons, otherwyse they shall pay the triple of the pryce of 
them, and deliver them to the sayd proviant master at the 
place of the magazine. 

The quarters of the countrie wher the regiments shall take 
paines are as followes, viz. : My Lord Lowdons regiment hes 
Tinninghame, Whytekirk, and Prestonkirk parochin. 

The Erie Muntrose regiment hes North Berwick, Dirletoune, 
and Abberladdie. 

The Earle of Rothes regiment and Lord Sinclares and Lord 
Montgomeries Prestonpans and Trenent. 

The Erie of Dalhoussies regiment, Mussilburgh, Fisherraw, 
and Dalkeith. 


The Lord Yester Saltoun, Humbie, Ormestoun, Pencaitland, 
Bothans, Barra, Garvitt, Norhame, Stentoun and Whitting- 

The whole provision most be direct to the general proviant 
master and booked in his bookes. 

To wryte in to Ed"" to the Committee there and towne of Ed"^ 
for money to be sent to the armie with all haste, And in the 
meane tyme everie Colonell shall pay his whole regiment two 
shillings in the day everie man for fyfeteene days qlk most be 
repay ed be the Commissars so soone as money comes in, or be 
the country in case the Commissars doe not pay it. 

That everie Colonell or gentleman who lies charge of the 
horse troupes give up ane list of the number of everie troupe 
that they may be quartered and corne and straw provyded for 

That everie horse troupe be appointed to carry their owne 
corne and straw from such places as the Commissars shall desyne. 

It is thoght fitt that everie man give in his silver and gold 
work to the coine house to be striken in money for supplying 
of the present urgent necessity in entertaining the armie. 

Item that Captaine George Phanles be adjoyned to the present 
M"^ Conzier to asist him in receaving the said silver work, 
weighing it and causing stryke it in money, and delivering it 
to the Commissars or to the Provest of Ed'" or these whom 
the estates hes secured be bond and these who gctts the said 
bond shall give their notes to the pairties who shall give in the 
said silver work for repayment so soone as they shall receave 
the same be vertue of the said band, or by any other way as 
may best be found out for payment therof from the saids 

Item that any who hes money to lend be dealt withall for it 
upon any kynd of securitie they please. And if they refuse, to 
be reputed as men careles of religion and liberties of the 
country and ther moneyes to be confiscate. 

It is recommended to the Erie of Rothes that he represent 
to the Committee at Ed' and Provest and Bailzeis there the 
extreme necessity to have money answerd for payment of the 
armie, and therfor to use all possible meanes to lift it and coyne 
all silver work. 


Item to appoint men to gett reports from the burghs anent 
the money they should lend to the comon cause with all 

Item to advertise all noblemen, gentlemen and burgesse and 
others to send in their whole silver work to the coyne house 
with all expeditione. 

Itein whatever money is presently ready to cause send it 
out with all haste. 

Item to cause send ane CoiTiissare to Kelso with all haste for 
furnishing the regiments who are there, if spades and howes 
be not sent shortly we may smart for want of them. 

The performance of all which is recommended to the Com- 
mittee at Ed*", who we hope will enact the same and sie it 
putt in executione without delay, for on it dependeth the 
keeping together or disbanding of the armie. 

This day S'' Jhon Stewart of Caudinghame came to Aytoun 
and Caudinghame to read the proclamation but could not gett 
the people gathered againe, therafter he came to Hay mouth, 
railed upon the minister who had red in the kirk to the 
people the warning from the armie, and against the Laird of 
Wetherburne, tooke their dinner in the streete, drank their fill 
of wyne and aile without paying anything for it, brake ane 
honest man's head because he refused to bring them intelli- 
gence, threatned to returne and take all their victuals, to hang 
ther minister over the jockstooles if he did not preach for 
the proclamation. 

Upon Munday the 3 of June the letters direct from my Lord 
Louthian the rest of the noblemen wer together at Kelso with 
Colonell Munroe wer answered they should stay together 
make the place fast against any horsmen ; if the King's armie 
of foot did move towards them, they should not ingage them- 
selves to be overmastered bot should march to be nearer to the 
rest of the armie, that my Lord Louthian should give orders 
whyle they wer together that regiments should march be 
turnes and that my Lord Louthian in all things should follow 
the advyce and Counsell of Colonell Munroe in all things who 
was a skild and experienced man ; that, concerning the three 
cheife mutinires of Colonel Munroe's regiment whom they had 


declared be the sentence of the Counsell of warre to be worthy 
of death and had deferred the execution till the General's 
pleasure was knowne, The Generall declared by his Letters that 
they had proceided orderly thogh they wer worthy of death 
yet he had the solicitation of these noble men, he pardoned 
them for that tyme in hope that no such thing should fall out 
therafter by them or any other, besydes this the provision for 
their victuals was recommended to my Lord Louthian, my 
Lord Ker and the ShirrefFe of Tividaile in the interim untill 
the Commissars came from Ed*" and order was sent from thence 
for money to the sojours ; it was told them what course was 
taken according to the order of the 2 of June. 

This day we heard that some English gentlemen had oifered 
and casten gold amongst the people of Dunse, 

This day M'' Alex'' Henderson, M"" David Dickson, M'' Robert 
Meldrum ^ and M'' Archibald Jhonston have bethoght and 
better bethoght the whole afternoone upon the present neces- 
sities of the armie the wants of money, munition, victual, 
order and discipline, the natural! impossibilities either to retire, 
remaine or goe on, the manifold perplexities of our intentions 
q^ we ar at the borders ; we wer forfoghten with the considera- 
tion heerof on the one part and yet considering the Lord's pro- 
vidence casting us in thir straites and his delivering us from the 
lyke befor, in a despaire of all the secondary causes we acknow- 
ledged ther was no way nor meane under heaven apparent to 
naturall reason to beare through, who did cast the cause the 
present straites and the saincts therin over upon God him- 
self, wherupon M*' David Dickson tooke instruments in my 
hand and attested befor God that whensoever God should 
give us a glorious outegate, none, even those that wer thoght 
to have the greatest hand in the work should or could claime 
any part of it, hot as now we ar emptie and annihilated all 
our wits and judgments and broght so low as to acknowledg 
ther was no appearance nor possibilitie under heaven, so 
heerafter we might more and more admire and adore his 
wonderfull manifestation of himself in buildino; so high ane 
edifice upon so low ane fundation in bringing so great ane 

^ Meldrum was General Leslie's secretary. 


ebb to so great a tyde, and drawing so great aboundance out 
of so great want. I pray God, and doe certainely expect in 
despyte of the devill and all our straites yet to have occasion 
really to give out ane extract of this instrument.^ 

The same day at night we heard that the English was come 
over to make ane trench betwixt Paxton and Huton a myle 
and ane halfe from Tweid neare unto Quhitteter, and that 
they had sent three thousand men the most part horse towards 
Kelso to plant their canon on the other syde of Tweid wherof 
we advertised the Erie of Louthian. 

This night also we sent a party of two hundreth musketers 
and two hundreth horsemen to Caudinghame for to preveene 
Jhon Stewarts taking away of the victuals there bot they saw 
no body, as upon the Fryday at night befor a partie had gone 
out and broght in a hundreth holies. 

This night we receaved letters from my Lord Balmirrinoe 
shewing that my Lord Durie and my Lord Naper had beene in 
at the Commissionar but had gotten ane harsh answer that he 
would not leave his navie for such generell propositions, shew- 
ing also that my Lord Argyle was to be at Stirling with six 
hundreth men ; with this letter he sent us the coppies of the 
letters following w<=^ had past betwixt the King's Commissionar 
and Bruntiland. 

For Captaine Watsone 

Loving Freind — Being commanded by his Maj/ to signifie 
unto the port Townes his grace and goodnes to all merchants, 
and seafaring men, yours being one of the principall I have 
sent my boat and this letter to them which I as his Maj/ 
High Commissioner doe require yow to see delivered unto them, 
that both you and they may see his tender care of yow which 
I hope wilbe so thankfulie receaved, as befitt obedient subjects 
which no man shall joy more in then your good freind 

Fi-om ahord the Rainehow 
in Leithroad the 1 Jwiii 1639. 

For the Towne of' Bruntiland 
Good Freinds — His Maj/ being full of compassion and 

^ See note p. 96. 


tender care of his good and loving subjects of this kingdome 
and particularlie considering the great dammage w'^'^ all mer- 
chants and seamen suffer by their stopp of trade and hinderance 
of going out of their vessels, and not intending that his loyall 
subjects (such as he understands many of you ar) should be 
ruined for the fault of others Hath beene graciouslie pleased 
to command me to signifie his pleasure unto you and the rest 
of the port Townes that such of you as ar traffiqueris by sea 
(y eliding such obedience as is fitting for loyall subjects to his 
Maj/) should have free egresse and regresse in their trade, and 
to that effect shall have a passe port from me not to be 
molested by any of the King's fleet or officers, this I thoght 
good to lett you know, not doubting bot ye will joyfully 
accept of this his Maj/ grace, and redeim your selfs from that 
miserie w''*^ by others disobedience you ar broght unto. — So I 
rest your good freind Hammiltoun. 

From ahoi-d the Rainehoxv 
in LeithroacL the 1 Junii 1639. 

A Coppie of their Answer 

Please your Grace — The proofe of his Maj/ royall favour 
to these of our trade, mentioned in the letter sent unto us by 
your Grace, can challenge no more from us then what is due 
from his most loyall subjects sensible of his fatherlie compas- 
sions over his auncient native people who doe heartily pray 
for his Maj/ prosperitie and happie reigne. Bot because the 
proposition concerneth not onlie these seafaring men in- 
dwellers in this Towne, bot all those of other port Townes in 
this kingdome, and hath annexed to it some conditiones Avhich 
are so wrapped up in generals y*^ they transcend our reach, 
We humblie begg your Graces favour to condescend more 
speccallie upon these conditiones required of us, and to grant 
us some short competent tyme for advysing therupon, that 
neither we may trench upon our oath to God and our covenant 
or be pressed with oathes contrarie to the lawes of our Kirk 
and Kingdome, nor yet ommitt any temporal! duety of civile 
obedience which we most heartily will deferr to our Gracious 


Soveraigne, wherin we humbly begg your Graces favor, which 
we shall recompense with our blessing and these best services 
which may proceid from 

your Graces humble servants. 

Upon Tuesday 4 June my Lord Louthians letters to the 
Generall did shew that the Erie of Holland did come with ane 
number of horsemen and foot, y*^ upon their approach they 
drew out their regiments from Kelso and finding they wer lyke 
to have that resistance they did not expect from these in 
Kelso they retired in great disorder ; while they wer neare one 
another ane Trumpetter came towards Colonell Munroe qr he 
was standing with his Regiment and cald that they had not 
obeyed the proclamation, who commanded to gett him back 
for the English had broken first ; amongst other advertisements 
that had past that Monday befor, my Lord Louthian wrytes 
that notwithstanding any other information had been made, he 
beleived he should be forced soone either to retire to Jeddard 
or to join with the Generall if it wer possible, and together 
with this the Generall was informed from another hand that 
the English wer marched with fyfteen hundreth horse, four 
thousand foot, and ten peice of canon towards Kelso to repaire 
that affront they had gotten the day befor, upon this straite 
the Generall gave present order to my Lord Louthian that he 
should come and joyne with the rest of the armie at Dunse 
whether he intended to march that nyght, that in case of my 
Lord Louthians retiring to Jedburgh, w°^ he did not expect 
because that had beene to make ther melting more doubtfull 
and dangerous, yet in that case he should retire by the way of 
Lader, and this order was dispatcht in all haste upon Tuesday 
afternoone by my Lord Phleemings brother. 

This fornoone befor we receaved Louthians letters M'". 
Robert Meldrum and I being with my Lord Generall dis- 
coursed two houres upon the present difficulties and impossi- 
bilities wherwith the Generall was extreamly perplexed, was 
broght low befor God indeid, and acknowledged ther was no 
appearance of any naturall meane or ordinarie way either of 
our conveening or subsisting together remaining or retiring 


or going on for want of victuals, money and horses especially, 
and that we had no ground of confidence except in the provi- 
dence of our God who had led us in thir straites and certainly 
contrare to all appearance was to lead us out of them, thus 
the Lord was emptying everie heart and annihilating everie 
spirit, for to prepare us as we hope to receave some greater 
subsequent blinks of his favour. 

This afternoone we did wryte in to the Committee of Ed"" 
and other shyres ane new letter. 

Noble Lords and worthie Gentlemen — We found it 
necessarie to tell you that we ar to remove this night from this 
place toward Dunse, upon information of the march of the 
English forces, 4000 foot 1500 horses and ten peices of great 
ordinance, to Kelso this morning, upon the repulse they received 
yesternight there, And having told you so much we think 
not onlie your selves bot all others who shall heare and beleive 
what we ar now doing on both sydes, will easilie determine 
what is incumbent for you and them to doe in this extremitie : 
All possible advertisements have beene given already : The 
sword was drawne befor, now it is at the throat of religion and 
libertie if it have not given a deepe wound already ; we might 
say, upon confidence of ane extraordinarie providence in this 
extraordinarie exigent, that God shall provyde, if the Lord had 
not putt power in our owne hands which might give a re-en- 
counter to our enemies. Bot our unexcusable fault is that the 
power committed to us we have not used although we have 
sworne and subscryved to do it. It wold seeme that people 
ar either rewing what they have beene doing and will subject 
their necks to spiritual 1 and bodily slaverie that they and their 
posterity may be desperatly miserable heere and for ever (which 
we ar loath to conceave) or that some Spirit of slumber hath 
overtaken and possessed them, which maketh them to think 
that the fyre is not kindled when the flame may be scene and 
all is in a burning : We can say no more bot we resolve under 
the conduct of our God, to whom we have sworne, to goe on 
without feare and in a lyvelie hope, if our countrie men and 
fellow covenanters equally obleiged with us shall either with- 
draw themselves, or come too late it may be to the burying of 


our bodies,^ which with the cause itself might be safe by their 
speid horse and foot, Let them answer for it to God, to whose 
Grace commending both ourselves and you we continue. 

Your loving fueixds 

Dunglas 4 June 1639. 

Let coppies of this goe to all places with your advertise- 

Upon Wedensday the 5 of June the armie marched from 
Dunglas, when the canon wer drawne over the passe, the armie 
was drawne up in the moore befor Allhamstoks, and after 
prayers said through all the regiments, some Troupes of horse 
four hundreth commanded musketers, four peice of small 
Canon wer sent out in a partie befor and the Generall 
went with them ; as he was upon his march he receaved word 
from my Lord Louthian that he was to obey the orders, that 
he hoped to be at Dunse that fornoone or die be the gate. 

About one afternoone my Lord Generall came to Dunse and 
made Dunse Law his Leaguer wherunto the regiments of 
Kelso came also. 

This day the Erie of Hume and Dumferling spake with 
the Erie of Mortoun, S"^ Patrik Hammiltoun and Mr. Adam 
Hebroun spake with the Erie of Haddingtoun, and about 
eight a clock Robin Leslie came to the Generall, all running to 
one purpose that we wold supplicat the King to appoint ane 
present conference betwixt some of the English and some of 
ours, and to intreat the English Councell and nobility to asist 
our Supplication.^ 

This day, as we had learned by the intercepting of my 
Lord Southasks letters, so by Mr. Borthrik from the 

^ ' We returned to our former resolution of present fighting ; and sent posts 
athort all the countrey, to haste on our friends for that end. The last of our 
advertisements was so peremptor, inviteing to come to the buriall of these who 
were like to be deserted, that the hyperbolies of Meldrum, the Secretar, did 
offend manie.' — Baillie, i. 2io. 

^ Baillie's account was somewhat different. He wrote that the fear of an 
attack by the Scots made the English army anxious to conclude a treaty. ' The 
way of the procedure was this : Robin Leslie one of the old pages, being come 
over to Dunce Castle, made, as it were, out of his own head, ane overture that 
we should be pleased yet to supplicate.' — Letters, i. 215. 


Commissionar we heard that the King yet wold never quyte 
Bishops with limitation bot wold quyte his Crowne before 
he quyte them all. 

Upon Thursday the 6 of June Robin Lesly returned in the 
morning to the Camp and urged the supplication wherupon we 
sent my Lord Dumferling with the supplication unto the Kings 
Ma*'®, and ane gentleman with ane letter to the Erie of Hol- 
land, the Nobility and Councell of England, for to asist the 
said Supplication. 

To the King's most Excellent Ma*^^ the Supplication of His 
Ma^'^'' Subjects of Scotland humbly Shewing — 

That wher the former meanes used by us have not beene 
effectuall for recovering your Ma^''^''^ favour and the peace of 
this your Ma*'®'^ native kingdome, we fall downe againe at your 
Ma*'®'® feete, most humbly supplicating that your Ma*'® wold be 
graciously pleased to appoint some few of the many worthy 
men of your Ma*'®'^ kingdome of England who ar well affected 
to the true Religion and to our common peace. To heare by 
some of us of the same disposition our humble desyres, and 
to make knowne to us your Ma*®''^ gracious pleasure, That as 
by the providence of God we ar joyned in one Hand under one 
King, so by your Ma*'®'^ great wisdome and tender care all 
mistakings may be speedily removed, and the two Kingdomes 
may be keept in peace and happynes under your Ma*'®'^ long 
and prosperous raigne, for which we shall never cease to pray 
as it becommeth your Ma*'®'® most humble subjects. 

Most Noble Lords — Although we have beene labouring 
this long tyme past by our Supplications, Informations, and 
Missives to some of your LI// to make knowne to his Ma*'® and 
the whole Kingdome of England the loyalty and peacableness 
of our intentions and desyres and y* we never meant to deny 
unto his Ma// our dread Soveraigne and Native King any 
poynt of temporal! and civile obedience, yet contrarie to our 
expectation and hopes, maters to this day growing worse and 
worse, both Kingdomes ar broght to this dangerous and 


deplorable condition wherin they now stand in the sight of the 
world. In this Extremitie we have sent to his Maj/ our 
humble supplication (besyde which we know no other meane 
of pacification), and doe most earnestly entreat that it may be 
asisted by your LI// that, if it be possible by a meeting in 
some convenient place of some pryme and well affected men to 
the reformed religion and our common peace, maters may be 
accomodate in a faire and peacable way and y* so speedily 
and with such expedition as that through further delayes, 
which we see not how they can be longer endured, our evils 
become not uncurable, We take God and the world to witnesse 
that we have left no meanes unassayed to give his Maj/ and the 
whole Kingdom of England all just satisfaction and that 
we desyre nothing but the preservation of our religion and 
lawes. If the fearfull consequents shall ensue w°^ must be 
very neare, except they be wysely and speedily prevented We 
trust they shall not be imputed unto us who till this tyme 
have beene following after peace and who doe in every duety 
most ardently desyre to shew ourselves his Maties faithfull 
subjects and Your hiu/j hubible servants. 

My Lord Dumferling was broght into the Kings tent, gott 
ane kiss of his hand and after presenting the supplication was 
removed to another roume till the Councell of England had 
consulted with his Ma^"^ the space of three or foure houres, 
therafter was broght in againe, gott another kiss of the King's 
hand who declared that he had receaved no supplication of that 
kynd befor, and that he wold send his answer w* S"" Edmond 
Vermar Knight Mershall of his house.^ Sir Edmond came to 
Dunse w* my Lord Dumferling this night and desyred that the 
noblemen might be conveened the morrow morning. 

About eleven a clock at night upon some watcher shooting 
his muskett or pistole the alarm went through the whole armie 
and the whole souldiers in an instant with a Avonderfull speed 
and resolution wer in armes and in order, some dancing, some 
singing psalmes. 

^ Sir Edmund Vemey of Middle Claydon, co. Bucks, Marshal of the King's 
Palace ( Verney Papers, Camden Club) — ' A gentleman who was known to be a 
lover of our nation. — Baillie i. 215. 



Upon Friday the 7 of June in the morning the whole 
noblemen and pryme Barrons being conveened about the 
Generall S'" Edmond Vermar delivered his commission ^ by 
word and therafter shewed his memoer and warrant in wryte 
as followes : ' The King's Ma*'*^ having redd and considered 
the humble supplication presented unto him by the Erie of 
Dumferling hath commanded me to returne this answer : " That 
Wheras his Maj/ hath published a gracious proclamation to 
all his subjects of Scotland, wherby he hath given them full 
assurance of the free enjoying both of the religion and lawes of 
that Kingdome, as lykewyse a free pardon upon their humble 
and duetifull obedience, which proclamation hath beene hitherto 
hindered to be published to most of his Ma"^^ said subjects, 
therfor his Ma*'® requyres for the full information and satis- 
faction of them that the said proclamation be publicly redd ; 
that being done his Maj/ will be graciously pleased to heare 
any humble supplication of his subjects.'''' "* 

Wherunto the noblemen after sundrie reasonings to and 
fro gave ther direct answer, wlierof he being desyrous to have 
some memorandums gott these that followes ; and the Erie of 
Dumferling was sent away againe with the former supplication 
without any alteration except the addition of the word Yet. 

'His Ma/ proclamation which I desyred in his Ma/ name to be 
published was called for by the noblemen and others conveaned 
to here his Ma/ gracious desyre, and with all due reverence was 
redd and heard, unto which as I conceave these answers wer 
made : 

'That they ar most willing in all humility to receave his 
Ma/ just commandement as becommeth loyall subjects, that the 
Estats being conveaned for holding the parliament called by 
his Ma*^® had receaved from the Magistrats of the Towne of 
Ed"^ a coppy of this proclamation w^'^ his Ma/ High Commis- 
sionar had commanded them to publish ; and the said Estats 
considering therof seriouslie, had returned ther reasons to his 

^ ' Upon theyr petition to the Kinge I was sent by his Majesty with a message 
to them, wherin, thoughe I had a hard parte to playe, yett I dare bouldly say I 
handled the business soe that I begatt this treaty. — Sir Edmund Verney to Ralph 
Verney. — Vemey Papers^ 249. 


Ma/ Commissionar why it could not be published, which they 
doe conceave war represented to his Maj/ by his Commissionar 
and wherunto they still adhere. 

' Ane of the reasones which I did heare from them was that 
this proclamation did not come in the ordinarie and legall way 
by his Maj/ Councell, qch both is the law and hath beene the 
perpetuall custome of this kingdome as was acknowledoed by 
the whole Councell since tlie beginning of this commotion in 
presence of his Maj/ Commissioner. It was remembered also 
that both his Ma"'' Councell and Senatours of the Colledg of 
Justice being divers tymes since conveened had testified tlieir 
dislyke therof. 

'Another reason was that they found it to be most prejudicial! 
to his Ma/ honour whose desyre is to governe according to law. 
' A third was, that it was destructive of all ther former pro- 
ceidmgs as traiterous and rebellious which notwithstandmo- 
they maintain to be religious and loyall. ^ 

'A fourth was that wheras the meanest subject cannot be 
declared a traitour by proclamation, nor his estate forfault but 
after citation and conviction in parliament, or the Supreme 
Justice Court, yet heerin the whole body of the Kingdome 
without any citation or conviction, are declared rebels and 
traitours, and ther estats disponed to their vassals and tennents. 
'A fyfth was that they wer persuaded this did not flow from 
his Ma/ royall disposition, bot from men evill affected to the 
peace of the Kingdome, and that this was so farr from o-ivino- 
satisfaction to his Ma/ subjects that it so dissolved atl the 
bonds of union betwixt his Ma/ and this his native Kino-dome 
that ther could be no hope of accomodation of affaires ther- 
after in a peacable way, which hath ever been ther desyre 
and that they wer confident that his Ma/ wold take to his 
royall consideration, how illegal in manners and prejudicial! in 
matters this is both to his Ma/ honour and the well of this 
Kingdome, and especially to the intended pacification. And 
that his Maj will now be pleased to send a gracious answer to 
ther humble Supplication sent by my Lord Dumferling.' 

Upon Saturday the 8 of June my Lord Dumferling returned 
with this answer to our petition. 


^ At his Ma/ Campe the eight of June 1639 

' His M/ having understood of the obedience of the Petitioners 
in reading his proclamation as was comanded them is gra- 
ciously pleased so farr to condescend unto ther petition, as to 
admitt some of them to repaire to his M/ campe upon Munday 
next at 8 a clock in the morning at the Lord General's Tent ; 
wher they shall find six persons of honour and trust appointed 
by his Ma/ to heare ther humble desyres. 

' Ihon Cooke. 
And did shew us that in his judgment S"" Edmond Vermar had 
not showne our memoers unto the Kings Ma/ ; we had long 
reasounings against the narrative of the answere and sent back 
againe my Lord Dumferling with sundrie copies of our memoers 
to be spred amongst the English Noblemen for clearing of 
ourselves y* we had neither published nor acknowledged the 
proclamation and w* the draught of ane safe conduct to those 
q"" we should send. 

'Wheras the subjects of our Kingdome of Scotland have 
humbly supplicated that we may be graciously pleased to 
appoint some of this our kingdome to heare, by such as shall 
be sent from them, ther humble desyres and to make knowne to 
them our gracious pleasure, unto which supplication we con- 
descend so farr as to admit some of them to repaire to our 
campe upon Munday at eight houres in the morning and 
because they may apprehend danger in ther comming, abode 
or returning, we doe offer them upon the word of a Prince that 
the persons sent from them shall be safe and free from all 
trouble and restraint, wherof these shall be a sufficient warrant."* 

This day we intercepted ane letter of the Marques of HaiTiil- 
tons to my Lord Oggilvie. 

' My Lord, — Would God I had receaved your letter a few 
dayes sooner and then I wold have beene the messenger myself, 
for not having any hopes of a partie in those quarters I had 
sent 3500 of my best men to Barwick for a present desine that 
is intendet by his Ma/, so it will be now some dayes before 


these troupes returne to me. In the interim if ye cannot secure 
yourself wher ye ar, ye shall be welcome to me, Bot for the 
sending of any ships to you at this present I cannot, thogh 
shortly it may be you sie some in those quarters ; I darr not 
write what I would for feare it should not come safe to your 
hands, only this, Rest assured that it will not be long before 
his Ma/ himself declare himself in that way w* will not please 
the Covenanters, and power he hath to crubb their insolencies 
if they continue in them, your M*" hath been such that you 
may expect that reward w*^^ a deserving servant and a loyall 
subject justly deserves and merits, q* I can contribute therto 
looke for it from your L/ faithfull freind and servant, 

' I-Iammiltoun.' 

Upon Sunday the 9 June my Lord Dumferling returned 
with ane refusal of a safe conduct unto us qrupon after long 
reasoning we resolved to send none bot sent back this 
answer : 

' We trust his Ma*'^ will favorably construct this our humble 
requyring a safe conduct since upon our confidence in his 
gracious Ma/ we desyre no further bot assurance under his 
royall hand, albeit by the statutes of England w^'^ wer befor 
cited to the Lord of Dalzell all assurances and conducts ar 
declared to be null if they have not passed the Great Seale of 

' The proclamation published throughout the paroch churches 
of England and these later sent to be published in Scotland, 
declaring us his Ma/ subjects to be rebells and our proceid- 
ings to be treacherous, forfaulting our estates and threatning 
to destroy us, lay a necessitie upon us, who desyre to cleare 
ourselves, to crave ane safe conduct of his Ma*'®. 

' The former refusall of safe conduct to his Ma*'®^ Councell 
and Session when they craved libertie to goe up to informe 
his Ma/ of the true estate of our bussines, and to ourselves 
when we desyred libertie to cleare our proceidings and inten- 
tions to his Ma/, showes the greater necessitie of our craving 
the same, for to give ane full and free information of our 

'This refusing of ane safe conduct being knowne to the 


armie maks them more unwilling then befor, that any should 
goe there."" 

Upon Munday the 10 June the Erie of Dumferling broght 
back the former answer which was subscryved by Cooke, now 
subscryved by the King himself with ane verbal assurance of 
the King befor his Councell that he wold never wrong any 
that is sent, he wold rather quyte his Crowne and wer worse 
then ane infidell and ther armie might fall on them without 
mercie, and therupon delayed the meiting till Tuesday. We 
chused my Lord Rothes my Lord Loudon and the Shirreffe 
of Tividaile to go there to present our humble desyres q^'of 
we drew up this draught. 

' The humble desyres of his Ma''" suhjccts of Scotland 
'First, it is our humble desyre that his Ma*^'"^ wold be graciously 
pleased to assure us that the acts of the late assemblie at 
Glasgow shall be ratified by his Ma*'^ in the ensewing Parlia- 
ment to be holden at Ed*" July 23 since the peace of the kirk 
and kingdome cannot endure further prorogation. 

' Secondly, That his Ma*'® from his tender care of the preserva- 
tion of our religion and lawes will be graciously pleased to 
declare and assure that it is his royall will that all maters 
ecclesiasticall be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk, and 
maters civile by Parliament, which wil be for his Ma*'®^ honor 
and keiping peace and order amongst the subjects in the time 
of his Ma*'®^ personall absence. 

' Thirdly that a blessed pacification may be speedlie broght 
about and his Ma"®^ subjects may be secured, our humble 
desyre is that his Ma/ ships and forces by land be recalled, that 
all persons ships and goods arrested may be restored, the 
losses which we have sustained by the stopping of our trade 
and negotiating be repaired and we made safe from violence 
and invasion, and that all excomunicate persons, all incendi- 
aries and informers against the kingdome who have out of 
malice caused these commotions for ther owne private ends, 
may be returned to suffer ther deserved punishment, and the 
proclamations and manifestoes sent abroad by them under his 
Ma*'®^ name to the dishonouring of the King and defaming of 
the Kingdome may be suppressed. 


' As these ar our humble desyres, so is it our greife that his 
Ma*^® should have been provoked to wrath against us his most 
humble and loving subjects, and shall be our delight upon his 
Ma*^'^'^ assurance of the preservation of our religion and lawes 
to give example to others of all civile and temporall obedience 
which can be requyred or expected of loyall subjects.' 

This morning I gott ane sight of the Kings manifestoes ^ the 
most bitter invective false peice that can be against the whole 
proceidings and blasphemous against our covenant with God 
which God will revenge in his own tyme on the informers and 

Upon Tuesday the 11 of June in the morning our Coinis- 
sioners wer conveyed to the English camp wt ane hundredth 
horse and went to the Erie of Arundels ^ tent q'' q" they had 
begunne to clear ther proceidings to the English Lords the 
King's Ma*^® himself came in without giving them ane kiss of 
his hands bade them proceid and told them he had come on 
suddenty because he was calumniated never to heare ther desyres, 
and q" they begouth to justifie ymselves in ther proceidings, he 
had no will of that but bade them propone their desyres, my 
Lord Loudon in repetition of the state of the bussines justified 
all our proceidings and shew that all our desyres wer to enjoy 
our religion and liberties qrupon the King taking hold bade 
them tell ther desyres which they gave in as is befor said with 
only this alteration in generall termes of meanes of accomoda- 
tion in stead of the reparation of losses and recalling of mani- 
festoes which the King receaved dyted unto them this direction 

That our desyres are only the enjoying of our religion and 
liberties according to the ecclesiasticall and civile lawes of this 
his Ma*'®^ Kingdome. 

1 ' A Large Declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland from their first 
originalls : together with a particular deduction of the seditious practices of the 
Prime Leaders of the Covenanters, collected out of their owne foule Acts and 
Writings. By the King.' 

It was written for the King hy Dr. Balcanqual, Dean of Durham. 

" Thomas Lord Howard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, premier Earl and Lord 
Marshal of England, was Commander-in-Chief under the King of the Royal 
Army. He was a Roman Catholic. 


To cleare by sufficient grounds y* the particulars w*=^ we 
humbly crave ar such, and shall not insist to crave any poynt 
w'^ is not so warranted, and y* we humbly offer all civile and 
temporall obedience to his Ma/ w'^'^ can be requyred or ex- 
pected of loyall subjects,^ 

This day I had sent some memorandums both anent our desyres 
and anent y"" cariage with my Lord Rothes and my Lord Loudon. 
In general! to urge that this Kirk may be governed by 
generall and subordinate assemblies in all ecclesiasticall maters, 
and by Parliaments and other subordinate judicatories in 
maters civile under his Ma/ authoritie. 

In speciall to desyre first that the late generall assemblie 
holden at Glasgow be approven in the next parliament, and all 
the generall printed acts therof ratified expreslie et specifice. 

2. That all the censures of the late generall assemblie be 
followed with the civile punishments according to law, and all 
excomunicat persons may not only be declared Rebels, Bot 
also in respect of their obstinacie be banished his M/ dominions, 
and, in respect of their treason against this kirk their king and 
countrey, they may be punished exemplarie and extremelie. 

3. For the stabilitie of maters of religion y^ the King's Ma/ 
and Councell now declare and y^'after the Parliament, that the 
King and his Councell shall not heerafter meddle with any 
maters of religion in their proclamations (w'^'^ hath beene the 
cause of all this combustion) bot leave the samine to the yearly 
generall assemblies, qlk for y* end must be holden without faile. 

4. That as we tooke not up first armes and now hes them 
but only for our owne defence so not onlie they who threatned 
invasion most lay them first doune, Bot also both the King 
and the English must give us assurance that heerafter they 
will not invade or wrong us any maner of way, 

5. That seeing the countrie, what by the treacheries of some 
of our owne nation stirring up the King and the English to 
this warr, what by the English navies stopping of all trade, 
is extremelie poverished, that if the Englishe refund not our 
losse suffered from them, yet y*^ the estats of papists and 

^ A full note of the first day's proceedings will be found in the Hardwicke 
State Papers, vol. ii. p. 130. 


other traiterous incendiaries be disponed to the publick use, at 
leist that Bishopricks (the cause of all this trouble) be disponed 
to comon and pious uses for releife of the pooi-e, maintenance 
of ministers and schollers and other such lyke publick uses. 

6. That the only way both of preserving the Kings honour 
and for assuring the people of his reall intentions of peace is 
to punish ignominiouslie and exemplarlie those firebrands who 
by their misinformations hes broght him to this extremitie 
against his people, doe declare his former manifestoes and 
proclamations to have proceided from their misinformation And 
therfor to recall and repeale and punish the misinformers. 

7. To render all persons, ships, goods and geare taken from 
us and to assure all those in England who have beene favourers 
to Christs cause in our hands and to restore them in safetie 
to ther families and estats, as also to declare y* none 
heerafter in England for their conformitie with us either in 
judgment or practise anent religion either in doctrine or 
discipline shall be troubled or molested, wherby Christs 
governement and puritie of worship will be enlarged. 

8. That the King's Ma/ may show himself reconciled even 
to those whom he thoght by misinformation to be most 
rebellious. That the King^^s Ma/ being fullie assured that 
there is no intention to change his monarchicall governement, 
he will assure to heare and redresse the greivances of the 
countrie in parliament. And seeing in his owne absence by 
his under officers many disorders ar comitted, for remedie 
stata parliamenta once in two or three yeares be keiped. 

9. That the King giving assurance now to doe thir or such 
lyke things in parliament and making some declaration in 
that kynd, both the armies may be dismissed, the castles put 
in some moderate mans hand in keiping till the parliament 
have ended all, and then the King with honour and safetie may 
come in a peacable way. 

10. That heerafter the castles may be putt in the custodie 
of any the Kmg and Estates shall name according to the old 
custome of this Kingdome.^ 

11. And because all mischeifes and abuses hes flowed (next 

^ See Introduction, p. 15. 


unto the prelats) from the corruptions of Councell and Session, 
q'"in men are placed at everie courtiers desyre, only to serve 
the courts pleasure without regaird to kirk or kingdome, 
Therfor as it was of old y® Councellors and Sessioners be 
chosen by the Kings Ma/ and Estates i?i statis parliamentis 
and by themselves in the interim betwixt those.^ 

12. That no stranger lest of all any forraigne prelate 
meddle with the affaires of our Kirk, nor forraigne statesman 
with the affaires of our estate, bot that we may be governed 
by our owne church men and statesmen in lawfidl judicatories 
ecclesiasticall and civile respective. 

To remember first to cleare the mistaking of the English 
That ye have neither published nor acknowledged the proclama- 
tion, And if they ground their treatie upon that proclamation 
and your acknowledgment y'"of, to carrie yourself as becommes 
your cause and covenant for religion croune and country. 

To present the printed Acts of the generall assemblie that 
the King's Ma/ may declare his resolution to ratifie the samine 
in the subsequent pari, specifice and expreslie. 

To cleare the great mistaking of the English from their not 
considering the differences of our reformation contradtcente 
magistratu^ and of theirs by the Magistrats concurse, of ours 
restoring Christ unto his owne place, and of theirs changing 
papam sed non papatiim seing they put the King in the 
Popes place, and from not considering the differences betwixt 
our assemblies and their convocations, betwixt our lawes and 
their statutes. 

To show that this church is als free and als independent 
as any other and is no more lyable to give ane account of 
our actions to them nor they unto us. Yet of super- 
abundance we offer them all satisfaction in reason. 

To show that nationall commotions either in Church or 
State can only be tryed in nationall judicatories of kirk and 
kingdome, as in generall assemblies and parliaments, so that 
heere this bussines cannot be decided. 

Let your discourse be ay relative to your former actions, as 
your supplica°ns to his Ma"^ informa°ns and remonstrances 

^ See p. 15 of Introduction. 


unto England, wherby may cleared your former actions and 
present intentions. 

To show that no proclama^n can be a suretie to the Leiges, 
far lesse a proclama°n in generall termes of maintaining reli- 
gion and law, seeing in the same proclama°ns the essentiall 
particulars of both, as your covenant, assemblie, abjura°n of 
Episcopacie, reception of ruling elders, defence of your selves 
ar condemned as irreligious and rebellious. 

Take heede no wayes either to exclude the civile greivances 
of any other his Ma*'®^ subjects, or shyres, who are neither heere 
nor hes given comisson for the particulars of a treatie, neither 
prelimitate the parliament, whose freedome in civile bussines 
should be preserved als well as the libertie of assemblies from 
prelimitation either of members or maters ecclesiasticall ; desyre 
what ye will, but doe not exclude any other petitions. 

Eschew all questions wherof the answere wold either be 
unpleasant to them or prejudiciall to us (as anent the King's 
negative voyce)^ upon pretext y*^ they ar not in your comission, 
and y* the parliament can only judge such questions, bot what- 
soever they propone to you tell ye must only heare and report 
and therfor in q^soever overture they propone albeit it please 
your judgment at the first glance, neither declare unto them 
your approbation y'of, neither ingadge your promise of your 
endeavour to obtain the samine, bot both keepe your owne 
mynd free from prejudice and leave that freedome to the rest 

^ This seems to have been an unsettled point. James vi., in a characteristic 
speech upon the question of Union with Scotland made on the adjournment of 
the English Parliament on 31st March 1607, explained how he cut that knot: 
' It hath likewise beene objected as an other impediment, that in the Parliament 
' of Scotland the King hath not a negative voice, but must passe all the Lawes 
' agreed on by the Lords and Commons. ... I can assure you, that the forme 
' of Parliament there is nothing inclined to popularitie. . . . Onely such Bills as 
' I allow of are put into the Chancellor's hands to bee propounded to the Parlia- 
' ment, and none others ; and if any man in Parliament speake of any other matter 
' ihen is in this forme first allowed by me. The Chancellor tells him there is no such 
' Bill allowed by the King. Besides, when they have passed them for Lawes, 
' they are presented unto mee, and I, with my Scepter put into my hand by the 
' Chancellor, must say, / ratifie and approove all things done in this present 
' Parliament. And if there bee anything that I dislike, they rase it out before. 
' If this may bee called a negative voyce, then I have one, I am sure, in that 
' Parliament.'— Zr?j' Majesties Speech, etc., 1607. London : Robert Barker. 


of your number, that without partialitie the expediencie or 
inexpediencie of the overture may be agitate heere, and ye not 
be forced to plead heere for what ye have consented there, or 
to be offended q" it is refused. Insinuate to the Enghsh 
the substance of that remonstrance q'*^ ye have already prefaced 
in some articles to your owne shy res, and q"^ ye intend to 
manifest to England at an up giving. 

Remember whether warre or peace follow, your cariage in 
this act will be remarkable in historic, and let it never be said 
of you as yourselves hes many tymes said of some nobles in 
the land, and that when the[y] parlied anent the tithes and the 
revocation that everie one looked so to his owne particular 
accomodation of the King as everie one betrayed another and 
all betrayed the publick. 

Upon Wednesday the 12 of June after ther reports we 
drew up the grounds of our desyres and appointed M'' Alex"* 
Henderson and Mr. Ai'chibald Jhonston to ther former CoiTiis- 
sioners to goe over to the King and with these grounds of our 
former desyres to seeke the totall abolition of Bishops both 
from Kirk and State both for benefites and office, after long 
reasoning betwixt my Lord Argyle and my Lord Durie S"^ 
Thomas Nicholson and me in law. 

Reasons and groiinds of our humble desyres 

We did first humbly desyre a ratification of the acts of the 
late assemblie in the ensuing parliament, first because the civile 
power is keiper of both Tables and q^'as the kirk and king- 
dome are one body consisting of the same members, ther can 
be no firme peace nor stabilitie of order, unles the ministers of 
the kirk in their way presse the obedience of the civile lawes 
and magistrate, and the civile power add ther sanction and 
authoritie to the constitutions of the kirk. Secondly because 
the late generall assemblie indicted by his M/ was lawfully 
constitute in all the members y^'of according to the institu- 
tions and order prescryved by acts of former assemblies. 
Thirdly because no particular is enacted in the late assemblie, 
w^^*^ is not grounded upon the acts of preceiding assemblies 


and is either expresly contained in them or by necessarie 
consequence may be deduced from them. That the parliament 
be keiped without proroga°n his M/ knowes how necessarie it 
is, since the peace of the kirk and kingdome call for it without 
further delay. 

We did secondly desyre that his Ma/ wold be pleased to 
declare and assure that it is his royall will that all maters 
ecclesiasticall be determined be the assemblies of the kirk, and 
maters civile by the Parliament and other inferiour j udicatories 
established by law, because we know no other way for the 
preservation of our religion and lawes and because maters so 
different in ther nature ought to be treated respective in ther 
owne proper judicatories. It was also desyred that Parliaments 
might be holden at sett tymes as once in two or thrie yeares, 
by reason of his M/ p'sonall absence q°^ hindereth his sub- 
jects in ther complaints and greivances to have immediate 
accesse unto his Ma/ presence. 

And wher his M/ requyres us to limite our desyres to the 
enjoying of our religion and liberties according to the ecclesi- 
asticall and civile lawes respective, we are heartily content to 
have the occasion to declare that we never intended further 
then the enjoying of our religion and liberties, and that all this 
tyme past it was farr from our thoghts or desyres to diminish 
the royall authoritie of our native King and dread Soveraigne 
or to make any invasion upon the Kingdome of England q''^ 
ar the calumnies forged and spred against us by the malice of 
our adversaries and for which we humbly desyre that in his 
Ma/ justice they may have ther owne censure and punishment. 
Thirdly, we desyred a blessed pacification and did expresse the 
most readie and powerfull meanes q'^'^ we could conceive for 
bringing the same speedily to passe, leaving other meanes 
serving for that end to his Ma/ royall consideration and greater 
wis dome. 

Upon Thursday the 13 of June in the morning we went 
over to the English Camp, to the Lord Arundel's tent pre- 
sented unto the King the grounds of our desyres. The Kings 
Ma/ craved y* my Lord Rothes wold condescend what petitions 
of the subjects were concealed from him as he had affirmed the 


day befor, qlk poynt the Marqueisse of Hamiltoun pressed 
hard for his exoneration. My lord Loudon remembered the 
petitions w""^ wer refused by the Councell and y* no petitions 
wer formerly answered bot by way of proclamation. The 
King urged his proclama"n was satisfactorie, especially y* 
given to the Assemblie, wherupon I redd those passages of 
the protestation Decemb. 18 clearing y* it was no wayes satis- 
factorie, neither in maner or matter.^ 

The King's Ma/ proponed and urged y* no assemblie could 
meddle with y*^ w'^'^ once was established by law, q'"unto we 
gave many answers, especiallie y*^ as ane parliament could not 
make ecclesiastick constitutions originallie bot only added ane 
civile sanction therunto to give obedience to the ecclesiastick 
constitution, which being taken away cannot be obeyed, so that 
the ratificatorie act must fall cum p7'incipali, especiallie seing 
the parliament cannot judge, bot only the subsequent assem- 
blie, whether the former assemblie was lawfull or not, and if 
the former be declared to have been null ab initio, the act of 
Parliament can no more subsist nor [than] if it had made 
an ecclesiastick constitution of itself, even as the parliaments 
confirmation of a false charter does fall when the charter is 
reduced or declared null. 

Thereafter we fell under dispute of the independancie of the 
assemblie from the pari, in maters ecclesiasticall, as of the 
pari, from the assemblie in maters civile, with this difference 
only, that the King or pari, might call the assemblie, bot the 
assemblie could not call the parliament. 

The King urged that no ecclesiastick constitution could 
have force till it was ratified in pari : We cleared y* it 
had ane ecclesiasticall force of the censure of the Kirk even 
to excomunication albeit not of civile punishments whilk be- 
hoved to be added by the civile law. Thereafter the King 
alleadged the passage Soli Deo peccavi, and y* the assemblie 
could not judge him, the Erie of Rothes answered y* if he 
wer king and had comitted David's fault y* the kirk might 
excomunicate him, bot that he knew the King's Ma/ wold 
never fall in such transgressions. 

See Protestation in Large Declaration, 387 ei seq. 


At this time we gave the king one of the Acts of Assemblie, 
one of the Remonstrances, and one of our answers to the 

The Marquess of Hamiltoun his declaration was produced and 
the Bishops decHnatour, the one shewing that Bishops ar of apo- 
stohck Institution the other that they are of Christs Institution. 

In this conference the king allowed his manifestoe and said 
y*" it was against his will y* it was not published to the leiges. 
He declared also that nothing could be said against the 
Service booke of Scotland bot it behoved to reflect against y* 
of England for they wer all one, y* he had hand himself in 
the differences betwixt them,^ y* he wold not suffer any to be 
punished albeit they had broght in the Alcoran. 

Mr. Alex*" Henderson told the king of three things y* 
stirred up the peoples hearts, first the pressing of such books 
so full of innovations of religione and superstitions. 2. Their 
hearing of the prelats and their adherents at home to man- 
taine in schooles and preach in pulpits many Armenian and 
popish tenets. 3, The reading of manyfold bookes printed in 
England cum pr'iv'ilegio, all full of poperie and Armenianisme. 

The king fell on upon his authoritie to change all things 
y* wer not de Jide as maters of discipline and government. 
Mr. Alexr. cleared y* albeit they wer not de fide as articles 
of the creede yet they wer dcjide as credenda being warranted 
by the word of God, and as in fundamentall poynts ignorantia 
in superfundamenta error in circafiindamenta, obstinacia against 
the light of the word is a great sinne," and as my Lord 
Rothes instanced the denyall of David's cutting of Goliaths 
head and we shew y* by the booke of discipline and acts of 
assemblie the government of this kirk by pastors, doctors, elders, 
and deacons was grounded on Gods word and unchangable. 

After that we wer removed a whyle the King's Ma/ gave us 
this generall answere : 

^ See note, p. 28 (Hamilton Library). 

^ This seems to have been a favourite subject with Henderson. He discussed 
it in answering Dr. Balcanqual at the Glasgow Assembly. See Peterkin's Records, 
142 : ' I thought the moderator took too much libertie to discourse (of that he 
professed had been his late studie) of poynts fundamentall and preter-funda- 
mentall.' Baillie i. 140. See also Large Declaration, 274. 


' That wheras his Ma/ the 11 of June received a short paper 
of the generall grounds and limites of ther humble desyres his 
Ma/ is graciously pleased to make this answere : 

' That if their desyres be only the enjoying of their religion 
and libertie according to the ecclesiasticall and civile lawes of 
his Ma/ kingdome of Scotland, his M/ doth not only agree to 
the same, but shall alwayes protect them to the outermost of 
his power. And if they shall not insist upon anything but 
that w°^ is so warranted, his Ma/ will most willingly and readily 
condescend therunto, So that in the meane tyme they pay unto 
him that civile and temporall obedience which can be justly 
requyred and expected of loyall subjects. 

' At his Ma/ Camp, the 13 of June 1639.' 

The king delayed his particular answers unto the particulars 
of our petition till Saturday, 

He proponed three querees unto us and craved our present 
answer and therafter ane answere in wryte against Saturday. 
The first of the querees whether we acknowledge the Kings 
Ma*^® to have the sole indiction of the Assemblies, we answered 
y* he had the indiction cunmlative sed non privative, and 
answered the objections from the Act of Pari : 1612 according 
as it is in our printed reasons for a generall assemblie. 

The second queeree was whether he had a negative voyce at 
assemblie, and we having cleared y*' he had not, yea not so 
much as ane affirmative for 40 assemblies, he urged the voyce 
of his assessors, w°^ we answered as in the protestation 
decemb. 18.^ 

The third queree was whether he had the power of raising 
the assemblie, w*^^ we answered as in the s"^ protestation. 

Upon Friday the 14 of June we drew up an answer in write 
to the said querees, to be presented to the King the day 

Answer to the Querees 

The querees proponed by his M/ ar first whether his M/ 
hath the sole indiction of the Generall Assemblie, Secondly, 

1 Protestation and Large Declaration, 386-7. 


whether his M/ hes a negative voyce in assemblies, The third, 
whether the assembly may sitt after his M/ by his authority 
hes discharged them to sitt. 

To all which we answer first that it is proper for the generall 
assemblie itself to determine questions of this kynd, and it 
wer usurpation in us, which might bring upon us the just 
censure of the general) assemblie, to give out a determina- 

2. The answering of one of those thrie demands is the 
answenng of all, for if the sole indiction belong to his M/ 
there neideth no question about the negative voyce and dis- 
solving of assemblies, next if his M/ hath a negative voyce 
there neideth no question anent the indiction and dissolvino-, 
and if his M/ may discharge the assembly their neids no 
question anent the other two. 

For our parts we humbly acknowledg that the Kings Ma/ 
hath power to indict the assemblies of the Kirk, and when in 
his wisdome he thinks convenient he may use his authoritie in 
conveining assemblies of all sorts whether generall or particular. 
We acknowledg also that the solemne and publick indiction by 
way of proclamation and compulsion belongeth properly to the 
Magistrate and can neither be given to the Pope nor to any 
forraigne power, nor can it without usurpa°n be claimed by 
any of his Ma/ subjects. Bot we will never think that his 
M/ meanes that in the case of extreme or urgent necessitie the 
Kirk may not by her self conveine continue and give out her 
owne constitu^ns for the preservation of religion. 

1. Because God hath given power to the Kirk to conveine, 
The Sonne of God hath promised his assistance to them being 
conveined, and the Christian Kirk hath in all ages used this as 
the ordinarie and necessarie meane for uniforme establishing 
of religion and pietie, and for removing the evils of heresie 
scandals and others of that kynd which must be, and wold 
bring the Kirk to be no more, if by this powerful remedie they 
wer not cured and prevented. 

2. According to this divyne right the Kirk of Scotland hath 
keiped her generall assemblies with a blessing from heaven, 
for while our assemblies continued in strength in the doctrine' 
the worship and discipline, the unitie and peace of the Kirk 



continued in vigour, pietie and learning wer advanced and 
profanity and idlenes censured. 

3. The Kirk of Scotland hath declared that all ecclesiasticall 
assemblies have power to conveine lawfully together for treating 
of things concerning the Kirk and pertaining to their charge 
and to appoint tymes and places to that effect. 

4. The libertie of this Kirk for holding assemblies is also 
acknowledged by parliament and ratified by Acts therof, 
^ch |g manifest by the Act of Pari, holden in anno 1592 
and y* upon the ground of perpetuall reason. 

5. Because there is no ground either by Act of Assemblie 
or parliament, or any preceiding practise, whether in the 
Christian Kirk of old or in our Kirk since the reformation, 
wherby the Kings Ma/ may dissolve the generall assemblie, or 
assume unto himself a negative voyce ; bot upon the contrarie 
his M/ prerogative is declared by act of parliament to be no 
wayes prejudiciall to the priviledges and liberties which God 
hath granted to the spirituall office bearers of his Kirk which 
ar most frequently ratified in parliament and especiallie in the 
parliament last holden by his Ma*^'®. 

6. By this meane the whole frame of religion and Kirk 
jurisdiction shall depend absolutely upon the pleasure of the 
Prince, wheras his Ma/ hath declared by publick proclamation 
in England that the jurisdiction of Kirk men in their meltings 
and courts holden by them doe not flow from his Ma/ 
authoritie notwithstanding any act of parliament w'^*^ hath 
beene made to the contrarie, bot from themselves and their 
owne power, and y* they hold ther courts and meltings in 
their owne name. 

Upon Saturday the 15 of June we went over againe and 
received from the Kings Ma*^® as the particular answer of our 
desyres the answere following : 

'We having considered the papers and humble petitions 
presented to us by those of our subjects of Scotland who wer 
admitted to attend our pleasure in the camp, and after a full 
hearing by our self of all that they could say or alleadge 
therupon, having comunicated the same to our Councell 
of both Kingdomes, upon mature deliberation with their 


unanimous advyce, we have thoght fitt to give this just and 
gracious answere : 

' That thogh we cannot condescend to ratifie and approve the 
acts of the pretended generall assembly at Glasgow, for the 
reasons contained in our severall proclamations, and for many 
other grave and weightie considerations which have hapened 
both befor and since, much importing the honour and securitie 
of that true monarchicall governement lineally descended upon 
us from so many of our ancestors, yet such is our gracious 
pleasure that notwithstanding the many disorders comitted of 
late, We are pleased not only to confirme and approve our 
comissioners declaration given under his hand, and by our 
command, in the pretended generall assemblie at Glasgow anent 
the way taking of the service booke, booke of Canons, high 
CoiTiission, and dispensing with the five articles of Perth, 
and y* no other oath be administred to ministers at their 
admission then that which is prescribed by Act of Parliament, 
and that all and everie one of the present Bishops and their 
successors may be answerable and accordingly from tyme to 
tyme censurable according to their merits by the generall 
assemblie, bot also are further graciously pleased to declare 
and assure that according to the petitioners humble desyres 
all maters ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the Assemblies 
of the Kirk and maters civile by the Parliament and other 
inferior judicatories established by law which accordingly shalbe 
keept once a yeare or so oft as the affaires of the Kirk and 
Kingdome shall requyre. And for settling the present dis- 
tractions of that our ancient Kingdome our will and pleasure 
is that a free generall assemblie be keept at Ed'' the day of 
next ensuing wher we intend God willing to be 
personally present, and for the legall indiction wherof we have 
given order and command to our Councell, and therafter a 
pari, to be holden at Ed"" the day of next 

ensuing for ratifying of what shalbe concluded in the said 
assemblie, and settling such other things as may conduce to 
the peace and good of our native Kingdome and therin ane 
act of pardon and oblivion to be passed. 

' And wheras we are further humbly desyred that our ships 
and forces by land be recalled and all persons, goods and ships 


restored and they made safe from invasion, we are graciously 
pleased to declare That upon their disarming and disbanding of 
their forces, dissolving and discharging all their pretended 
Tables and Conventicles and restoring unto us all our Castles, 
forts and ainunitions of all sorts as lykewyse our royall honours, 
and to everie one of our good subjects their libertie, lands, houses, 
goods and meanes whatsoever taken and detained from them 
since the late pretended generall assemblie, we will presently 
therafter recall our fleet, and retire our land forces, and cause 
restitution to be made to all persons of their ships, goods, 
detained and arrested since the fors** tyme, wherby it may 
appeare y* our intention in taking up of armes was no 
wayes for invading of our native Kingdome or to innovate 
the religion and lawes bot meerly for the maintaining and 
vindicating of our royall authoritie. 

' And since that heerby it doth clearly appeare that we neither 
have nor doe intend any alteration in religion or lawes bot 
that both shalbe maintained by us in their full integritie, we 
expect the performance of that humble and duetifuU obedience 
w<=^ becometh loyall and duetifuU subjects and as in their 
severall petitions they have often professed. 

' And as we have just reason to beleive that to our peacable 
and well affected subjects this wilbe satisfactorie. So we take 
God and the World to witnesse that whatsoever calamities 
shall ensue by our necessitated suppressing the insolencies of 
such as shall still continue in their disobedient courses, it is 
not occasioned by us bot by their own procurement.' 

The king prefaced this answer with a declaration that was 
done with the unanimous advyce of both Councels, and albeit 
he might cleare some expressions he could change nothing of 
the mater. 

After we had privatly advysed, we objected against the 
narrative and against the conclusion whilk after long dispute 
the king would not change. 

I urged that the kings declaring y*' he could not approve 
the acts of the pretended generall assemblie at Glasgow for 
the reasons contained in his severall proclamations was a direct 
prelimitating of the subsequent assemblie, and a declaring y* 


if the subsequent assemblie wer constitute of elders, as the 
former was, and made the same Acts againe which wer made 
in the former y* then his Ma/ would either raise it or not 
ratifie it because these wer the reasons of his former proclama- 
tions. The king answered that the devill himself could not 
make a more uncharitable construction or give a more bitter 

When I urged y* the oath of ministers according to the 
Act of Parliament contained canonicall obedience to Bishops, 
and so did declare the kings judgment and prelimite the 
assemblie, the king commanded me silence, and said he would 
speake to more reasonable men ; when yet I continued shewing 
his Ma/ y* I was sent for to speake, and urging y* clause anent 
the present Bishops and their successors censurable in their 
persons as presupponing the nullitie of our former excomunica- 
tion and the perpetuitie of their office he comanded me againe 
silence, and said y' still when I spake I opened my mouth. 

And the king urged us to take this proclama°n to the 
Camp and read it their ; we assured him it wold not be 
acceptable except his Ma/ declared y* he would quyte Bishops, 
and finding him a litle in a good moode we fell all downe on 
our knees and craved the same most earnestly that the morrow 
being a Sabboth day might be a day of thanksgiving for we 
assured him y*^ as long as he keiped them up against our 
confession of faith and acts of Assemblie he wold never winne the 
hearts, nor keepe peace in this kingdome, bot if he would quyte 
them he would have the most obedient subjects in the world ; 
and when we demanded what good newes he reported to the 
rest of our numbers he smiled and bade us assiu-e them ther 
was good hopes of accomodation and that he did not deny 
q* we craved bot only delayed till Munday. 

When we rose, he gave to everie one of us a kisse of his 
hand bidding me walk more circumspectly in tyme comming.^ 

Upon his saying he would send some to the Camp to see his 
declaration redd I went away and advertised them therof, who 
wer no wayes well pleased with his declara°n. 

^ 'The King was much delighted with Henderson's discourse, but not so 
much with Johnston's. ... He lilcewise was the more enamoured with us, 
especialie with Henderson and Lowdoun.' — Baillie i. 217. 


Upon Sunday the 16 of June at sermon both thanksgiving 
was made for the beginning and appearance of peace and prayer 
sent up to God for perfecting y''of, and for moving further of 
the king's heart. 

After sermon we drew up ane draught of the declara°n as 
would satisfie us wanting those things which did oifend us. 

' We having considered the papers and humble petitions pre- 
sented unto us by those of our subjects of Scotland, who wer 
admitted to attend our pleasure in the Camp ; and after a full 
hearing by our self of what was offered to our royall considera- 
tion by them, having communicated the same to our Councell 
of both kingdomes, upon mature deliberation with their 
unanimous advyce, we have thoght fitt to give this just and 
gracious answere : 

' That it is our gracious pleasure to declare and assure 
That according to the petitioners humble desyres all maters 
ecclesiasticall shalbe determined by the generall assemblie and 
other inferiour assemblies of the kirk, which generall assemblie 
shall be keiped once a yeare and oftner as the affaires of the 
kirk shall requyre and maters civile by the parliament and 
other inferiour j udicatories established by law. And the parlia- 
ment to be called once in three yeares or oftner as the affaires 
of the kingdome shall require. 

' And for setling the present distractions of that our ancient 
kingdome our will and pleasure is that a generall assemblie be 
indicted and keiped at Ed'', the day of next ensuing, 

wher we intend God willing to be personally present, which 
according to the order of that kirk shall be lawfullie constitute 
of ministers and elders having comission from ther severall 
presbiteries and burrowes and shall be free both in the maters 
to be treated as doctrine, worship, sacraments, government and 
jurisdiction of the kirk, the places and power of kirkmen and 
all other maters proper for a generall assemblie, as lykewyse in 
the maner of proceiding and in the tyme and dayes of ther 
sitting till maters be broght to a conclusion. And for the 
tymous indiction of the said intended assemblie, we have given 
order and command to our Councell as also it is our will and 
pleasure that therafter a parliament be holden at Ed"^ the 
day of next ensuing for ratifying of q* shall be 


concluded in the said assemblie and setling such other things as 
may conduce to the peace and good of our native kingdome, 
and therin ane act of oblivion to be passed. 

' And since that therby it doth clearly appeare that we neither 
have nor doe intend any alteration in religion or lawes bot that 
both shall be mantained by us in ther full integritie, we expect 
the performance of that humble and duetifull obedience w'^*' 
becommeth loyall and duetifull subjects and as in their severall 
petitions they have often professed." 

Upon the Munday 17 of June having returned to the Camp 
we shew his M/ that they wer no wayes satisfied with it 
except his Ma"*" declared that he should be content to quyte 
Bishops if the subsequent assemblie did condemne them againe, 
and y* he expressed in his declaration the fredome of the 
assemblie in the constitution or members y''of, in the maters 
and maner of proceiding and therupon gave him the forsaid 
draught w'^^ the king; would not use bot adhere to his owne 
draught, and told y* as for episcopacie he wold not prelimite 
his voyce, bade us propone our objections. We insisted long 
as befor against the two clauses of the narrative and conclusion 
w'^^ all the fornoone he refused to change. 

When we insisted upon the expressing the friedome of the 
assemblie, and of his consenting to whatsoever they should 
determine, he wrote downe thir two lynes (we shall give way to 
the determinations of the generall Assemblie w'^^ we shall find 
agreeable to the lawes of Kirk and State). This we refused as 
importing both his negative voyce and y*^ the assemblie might 
not meddle with episcopacie or any other thing the king 
alleadged was established by law. 

This fornoone at two severall tymes q" I begouth to speake 
the king absolutely commanded me silence. 

When we urged y* the clause anent yearly generall assem- 
blies or so often as the affaires of the kirk required may be 
changed that absolutely we should have yearly generall assem- 
blies and oftener as the affaires required. The king went to a 
privat avisandum with both the Scots and English Councell 
wher through the tent we heard the Marqueis of Hamiltoun 
affirme y* if he consented to yearly generall assemblies he 


might quyte his three crounes for they wold trample over 
them all, and if he would follow his way he should free the 
assemblie of ruling elders, and if the assemblie wer constitute 
onlie of ministers he would paune his lyfe, honor and estate to 
gett his Bishops therin established and any other thing he 
wold desyre. We heard the Lord Chamerlaine say that this 
was the true state of the question, whether the two kingdomes 
should presently yock and by their yocking the king hasard the 
losse of both. 

When we wer called in the clause was conceived y* we should 
have yearly generall assemblies and oftner, the affaires of the 
kirk and kingdome so requiring, wherof when some of us had 
conceived the sophistrie and demanded if the last words was 
relative to both termes of yearly assemblies and of oftner, and 
so whether we should want yearly assemblies if the king judged 
the affaires of the kirk not to require. The king shew then y* he 
would not grant it bot putt it over to the generall assemblie. 

After dinner we renewed our objections against the two 
clauses qlk wer remitted till we had ended the articles of 
pacification qlk imediately one after one wer condescended 
upon having reasoned y* our meltings wer warrantable accord- 
ing to King James' maxim e, p-o arisjbcis et patre patrice. 

The King having gotten his will in all the articles at the 
last he condescended to hold out those words, ' for the reasons 
contained in his former proclamations,"* and instead of express- 
ing his whole declaration given in to the assemblie to confirme 
in generall ' what his Comissioner had promised in his name.' 

And albeit he had once condescended to hold out the con- 
clusion, yet fra once the Scots Councellors came in he would 
no wayes condescend, bot as for the legall indiction of the 
assemblie, after he was told y* if Bishops wer warned it wold 
be protested against he remitted it to the Councell, q'upon 
the Marqueis of Hamiltoun and my Lord Treasurer declared 
y* they would call in generall termes all parties necessarie. 

Upon Tuesday the 18 of June in the morning amongst our- 
selves when we wer advysing anent the declara°n and articles of 
pacifica°n we resolved upon an act amongst ourselves to declare 


our not passing from the assemblie w'^^ the king professed he 
desyred not of us, even as he desyred us not to urge him to 
ratifie it, and wlk we required our Comissioners to intimate to 
the king. 

hiforviation against all mistaking of his Maj declaration. 

Lest his Ma/ declaration of the date 15 June containing 
an answer to our humble desyres presented by our Comissioners 
should be eather mistaken by the well affected or willfully mis- 
construed by the malicious, q''by his Ma/ justice and good- 
nes may be concealed, or his Ma/ good subjects may appeare to 
have done or admitted any poynt contrarie to their solemne 
oath and covenant The Generall, Noblemen, Barrons, Bur- 
gesses, ministers and officers conveined at Dunse before the 
dissolving of the armie have thoght necessarie to putt in wryte 
q* was related to them by their Commissioners from his Ma/, 
to witt that as his Ma/ declared that he could not acknowledg 
nor approve the late generall assemblie holden at Glasgow, for 
which cause it is called in his Ma/ declaration a pretended 
assemblie^ So was it not his Ma/ mynd y*' any of the peti- 
tioners by their acceptance of the said declaration should be 
thoght to disapprove or part from the same or condemne their 
owne proceidings as disorders and disobedient courses, and 
therfor as they doe intreat all his Ma/ good subjects with 
most submissive and heartie thanksgiving to acknowledg and 
confesse his Ma/ favour in indicting a frie assembly to be 
keiped August 6 and a parliament August 20 for ratifying of 
what shall be concluded in the assemblie, as the proper and 
most powerfull meanes to setle this kirk and kingdome, so 
wold they have all his Ma/ subjects to know that by accepting 
the said declaration and articles of pacification joyned ther- 
with, they doe not in any sort or degree disclaime or disavow 
the said assemblie Bot that they still stand obleiged to adhere 
y''unto, and to obey and mantaine the same, and for pre- 
venting all mistaking and misconstruction that so much be 
made knowne to all persons and in all places wher his Ma/ 
declaration shalbe published, which as it is his Ma/ owne mynd 
expressed diverse tymes to our Comissioners, so are we assured 
that it will serve much for his Ma/ honour, for the satisfaction 


of the godly, and for the promoting of this blessed pacification, 
for which all of us ought earnestly to pray to God, to remember 
also our late oath and covenant, and to walk worthie of it, and to 
beseich the Lord that, by the approaching assemblie and parlia- 
ment, religion and righteousnes may be established in the land, 

Afternoone we went to the king in his owne tent wher the 
king superscryved the declaration, made his secretaries and our 
Comissionars to subscryve the articles of pacification, and made 
our Commissioners subscryve two lynes following : 

' We having considered the papers and humble petitions pre- 
sented to us by those of our subjects of Scotland who wer 
admitted to attend our pleasure in the Camp, and after a full 
hearing by our self of all that they could say or alleadg y"*- 
upon, having communicated the same to our Councell of both 
kingdomes, upon mature deliberation with their unanimous 
advyce, we have thoght fitt to give this just and gracious 
answere : 

' That thogh we cannot condescend to ratifie and approve 
the acts of the pretended generall assembly at Glasgow, for 
many grave and weightie considerations which have hapned 
both befor and since, much importing the honour and securitie 
of that true monarchicall governement lineallie descended upon 
us from so many of our ancestors, yet such is our gracious 
pleasure that notwithstanding the many disorders committed of 
late, We are pleased not only to confirme and make good q*so- 
ever our Commissioner hath granted or promised in our name, 
bot also ar further graciously pleased to declare and assure 
that according to the petitioners humble desyres all maters 
ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the assemblies of the 
kirk and maters civile by the parliament and other inferiour 
judicatories established by law which assembly accordingly 
shall be keipt once a yeare or as shall be agreed upon at the 
generall assemblie. 

' And for setling the present distractions of that our ancient 
kingdome our will and pleasure is that a frie generall assemblie 
be keipt at Ed'' the sixth day of August next ensuing wher 
we intend (God willing) to be personally present, and for the 
legall indiction wherof we have given order and command to 


our Counccll, and therafter a parliament to be holden at Ed' 
the twentieth day of August next ensuing for ratifying of 
q* shall be concluded in the said assembly, and setling such 
other things as may conduce to the peace and good of our 
native kingdome, and therin an act of oblivion to be 

' And wheras we are further humbly desyred that our ships 
and forces by land be recalled and all persons, goods and ships 
restored, and they made safe from invasion, we are graciously 
pleased to declare that upon their disarming and disbanding 
of their forces, dissolving and discharging all their pretended 
Tables and Conventicles and restoring unto us all our Castles, 
forts and anmnitions of all sorts as lykwise our royall 
honours, and to everie one of our good subjects their libertie, 
lands, houses, goods and meanes q^soever taken and detained 
from them since the late pretended assemblie, we will presently 
therafter recall our fleet, and retire our land forces, and cause 
restitution to be made to all persons of their ships and goods 
detained and arrested since the aforsaid tyme, wherby it may 
appeare that our intention in taking up of amies was no wayes 
for invading of our native Kingdome, or to innovate the 
religion and Lawes, but meerly for the mantaining and vindi- 
cating of our royall authoritie. 

' And since heirby it doth clearly appeare that we neither 
have nor doe intend any alteration in Religion or Lawes, bot 
that both shall be mantained by us in their full integritie, we 
expect the performance of that humble and duetifuU obedience 
which becommeth Loyall and duetifull subjects, and as in their 
severall petitions they have often professed. 

'And as we have just reason to beleive that to our peacable 
and well affected subjects this will be satisfactorie. So we take 
God and the World to witnesse that whatsoever calamities 
shall ensue by our necessitated suppressing the insolencies of 
such as shall still continue in their disobedient courses, it is 
not occasioned by us bot by their owne procurement. 

' 1. The forces of Scotland to be disbanded and dissolved 
within fourtie eight houres after the publication of his Ma/ 
declaration being agreed upon. 

' 2. His Ma/ Castles, forts and araunitions of all sorts, and 


royall honour to be delivered after the said publication, so 
soone as his Ma/ can send to receive them. 

' 3. His Ma/ ships to depart presently after the deliverie of 
the Castles and with the first faire wind And in the meane 
tyme no interruption of trade or fishing. 

' 4. His Ma/ is graciouslie pleased to cause to be restored all 
persons goods and ships detained or arrested since the first of 
februar last bypast. 

' 5. Ther shall be no meitings, treatings, convocations or 
consultations of our Leiges, Bot such as ar warrantable by Act 
of Parliament. 

' 6. All fortifications to desist and no further working 
y*'on and they to be remitted to his Ma/ pleasure. 

' 7. To restore to everie one of our good subjects their 
libertie, lands, houses goods and meanes q*soever detained from 
them by q*soever meanes since the aforsaid tyme.' 

This day also the king refused to come and see our armie 
mustered as he had condescended the day before. 

He condescended that the fortifications of Leith should be 
disponed by the towne of Ed'' at their pleasure, and to write 
a letter to the said towne for preparing a place to the 

Upon Wednesday the 19 of June we had sundrie disputs 
anent our making or not making our declaration q" the king 
published his. 

We wrote letters to the Erie of Montrose as the king did 
to my lord of Boyne y* we advertising them how all maters 
wer setled in peace and desyring them hinc et hide to abstaine 
from violence and hostilitie. 

Lykwyse we wrote to the Lord Kirkcubright to loose his 
Seige on the Kings Castle of Threve. 

Upon Thursday the 20 of June we sent to the King the 
Erie of Rothes and Lord Loudoun to remonstrate against the 
keiping of any garizons at Barwick or fortifying of the Castle 
of Ed'' whilk breed great jealousie in the mynds of the people, 
as also to shew unto the English lords those conditions qlk 
had past in word betwixt the King and us with our modest 


information against mistaking and to give an coppie of both 
unto sundrie of them qlk indeid my lord Chamerlaine and my 
Lord Holland after they had all acknowledged the truth 
therof and professed themselves fully cleared of the calumnies 
spred against us and y* they should not be so readie to 
come against us in tyme coming, hot craved to be advertised 
from our selves of all that passed heere. 

' Some heads of his Ma/ treatie with his subjects in Scotland 
befor the English nobilitie ar sett downe heire for remem- 

' 1. For the preface and conclusion of his Ma/ last declara- 
tion althogh it contained hard expressions of the subjects in 
Scotland yet his Ma/ declared y* he had no such opinion of 
them but required the paper to stand for his credite and for 
a point of honour with forraigne nations, and required they 
should not stand with him for words and expressions so they 
obtained the mater. 

' 2. For calling of the late Assemblie pretended Seing the 
subjects of Scotland professed they wold never passe from the 
said assemblie and decrees therof, His M/ professed he did not 
acknowledg y* assemblie further then as it had registrate his 
declaration so wold he not desire the subjects to passe from 
the samine. 

'3. Concerning the constitution of the Assemblie, It was 
showne his Ma/ that none could be members of the assemblie 
hot such as had a Comission, viz., two or thrie Ministers from 
everie presbiterie with a ruling elder, one from each burgh and 
universitie and his Ma/ Comissionar, his Ma/ contended that 
his assessors had vote, and upon an expression in his Ma/ 
declaration that referred to some reason contained in former 
proclamations, which wer totallie against the lawfulnes of 
ruling elders. It was desired y*^ according to the custome of 
this Kirk all controversies arysing should be remitted to the 
assemblie itself. His Ma/ had some expressions craving these 
to be remitted to himself, Bot being told y* it was against the 
constitutions of the Kirk to have any other judge bot the 
voyces of the assemblie wher his Ma/ or his Comissioner 
should be present and give the first voyce, It was concluded 


that the word frie assemhUe in his Ma/ declaration did import 
the freed ome in judging all questions arysing ther concerning 
constitution, members, or mater, 

'4. Concerning the restitution of the Castles, as the subjects 
did it freelie, so did they expresse y* w'^^ might concerne 
the safetie of the countrie, they referred that to the tyme 
of the parliament, at which tyme they should signifie their 
desires by petition to his Ma/. As also they told it had cost 
much charges in fortifying and keiping therof, the repre- 
sentation q''of to his Ma/ they referred to that tyme. 

' 5. Concerning the restitution of persons, houses and goods 
required by his Ma/, It was promised provyding the great 
sowmes contracted for the publick wer repayed in an equall way 
by all which behoved to be done either by commission from 
his Ma/ or by parliament; and when it was objected that 
much goods wer alreadie spent, the King answered that as for 
goods or ammunition that was spent they could not be restored 
bot those that ar extant must be. 

' 6. His Ma/ not allowing of the late assemblie for the 
reasons contained in his severall proclamations being excepted 
against as a declaration of his Ma/ judgment against ruling 
elders w^'^ prejudged the right constitution of a frie assemblie, 
his Ma/ after full hearing deleted y* clause. 

' 7. That part of his Ma/ declaration which beares y* no 
other oath be exacted of Intrants then that which is contained 
in the Act of Parliament, as also y* clause bearing that the 
pretendit Bishops, etc., shalbe censurable be the generall 
assemblie, being excepted against as presupponing and importing 
the continuance of episcopacie w^*^ we could not acknowledg 
as being incompatible with the confession of faith and con- 
stitution of the Kirk, his Ma/ was pleased to delete both those 

' 8. And it being with all instancie and humilitie prest 
Saturday June 15 That his Ma/ wold satisfie tliat maine 
desire of the subjects by declaring that his Ma/ wold quyte 
episcopacie, did answere that it was not soght in our desires, 
and q" it was replyed that our first desyre to have the acts 
of the Generall Assemblie ratified imported the same. His Ma/ 
acknowledged it to be so and averred that he did not refuse 


it hot wold advyse till Munday the 17, at which tyme his 
Ma/ being prest to give some signification of his quyting 
Episcopacie, and it being plainly showne to his Ma/ that if he 
wold labour to mantain Episcopacie it wold breid a miserable 
schisme in this Kirk, and make such a rupture and division in 
this Kingdome as wold prove uncurable and if his Ma; wold 
lett the Kirk and countriej be freed of them, his Ma/ wold re- 
ceave als heartie and duetifull obedience as ever Prince received 
of a people, his Ma/ answered that he could not prelimite 
and forstall his voyce but had appointed a frie assemblie 
which might judge of all ecclesiasticall maters, the constitu- 
tions q''of he promised to ratifie in the ensuing parliament.'' 

The same morning after y* the armie wer dismissed to goe 
to Dunglas the Erles of Mortoun and Kinnoule came to 
publish the King's declaration. 

We had a long dispute if either verho or scripto we should 
testifie our accepting therof to be not passing from the assemblie, 
at length the Erie of Cassils was appointed who after the Kings 
declara°n was redd befor Colonel Munroes regiment declared y* 
we adhered to the assemblie and offered our information against 
mistakings unto the herauld in testimonie of our adherance 
therto, wherunto all the people applauded y* they did adhere 
to the assemblie, and bade hang the Bishops. 

This night we came to Dunglas and heard from my Lord 
Rothes y* generall Rivan was to be made Captaine of the 
Castle of Ed'', and that the English men themselves dealt for 
to have a garizon in Barwick and Carleel wherat sundrie was 
offended, because they had been informed on the Tuesday 
befor that the King continued all his intentions for the 
establishing of Bishops, and they thoght thir wer meanes used 
for y^ end. 

Upon Friday the 21 of June we came to Ed' wher we found 
many greived with our proceidings. 

We heard from the North how the Erie of Muntrose having 
but twelve hundreth men at Stonehyve had derouted after the 
shott of some canon my Lord Boine and Colonell Gunne and 
five and twentie hundreth men with them who wer affrighted 


by a barrell of powder blowing up some of them and blind- 
folding others, and so he chased them back to Aberdeine. 

Upon Saturday the 22 of June afternoone the Castle of Ed*" 
was redelivered with the honours and the Marqueis of Huntlie 
unto the Marqueis of Hamiltoun and to Generall Rivan, after 
sundrie shott of Canon off the Castle and off the fleet. 

Upon Munday the 24 of June befornoone after the Lyon 
had redd the King's declaration, The Lord Lindsay in name 
of the Noblemen Barons Ministers and Burgesses, q'"of many 
wer upon the crosse with him declared that our acceptance 
therof was without prejudice to our generall assemblie wherfra 
the King did not desyre us to passe and q'"unto we do con- 
stantly adhere according to our oath and offered unto the 
Lyon a coppie of our informa°n against mistakings in token 
therof, wherupon Mr, Harie Rollock tooke Instruments in my 
hands. 1 

This day we heard from the Erie of Muntrose y* he had 
sundrie skirmishes at the Bridge of Die, and after sundrie wer 
killed and hurt had taken the same and gone into Aberdeine 
wher his receiving of the King's Ires and of ours anent the 
peace made him stay his persute. 

This day it was ordained that conforme to this ordnance, as 
the Erie of Cassils in the Camp the Lord Lindsay on the 
Crosse of Ed"^, so in everie burgh after the King's declaration 
is proclaimed, some noblemen or gentlemen in name of all the 
rest should give heartie thanks to his Ma' for his favour, bot 
withall declare by word that this baire acceptance of this 
declaration shall no wayes be prejudiciall to the late generall 
assemblie holden at Glasgow, q^'fra the King's Ma/ did not 

^ To ask instruments seems a more correct expression than to take instru- 
ments. ' Instruments ' are the formal and duly authenticated narrative by a 
Notary Public of res gestcs of which a person interested desires to preserve a 
record. The practice of taking instruments is now confined for the most part to 
Church Courts in Scotland, as in the case where a member, who protests against 
a resolution of the majority of the Court, wishes to preserve evidence of his pro- 
test by obtaining from the clerk of the Court an authoritative extract of the 
Court's minute embodying it. He ' takes instruments' by handing to the clerk 
a coin (usually a shilling), in token probably of his readiness to pay the cost of 
the extract of the minute which he asks the Court to grant him. 


desire us to passe, and q'"unto we doe constantly adhere 
according to our oath, and therupon offer the coppie of the 
above written information to the Herauld. 

Upon Tuesday the 25 of June we sent away my Lord 

Loudoun with some instructions to the King's Ma*^'^ as follows : 

[Here the diary of 1639 ends abruptly. What 

follows seems to refer to the next year, 1640.] 

To remember — the Lord Generall his Excellencie came out 
of Edg'' towards the armie upon the 25 of July the Leive- 
tennant Generall upon the 30 of July. The armie was lying in 
Choulslie wood full of all sort of vans of meitt, drink, money, 
horsemen, baggage horse, canone horse etc. 

Upon the 3 of August at a frequent meitting of the Comittie 
Nobilitie Barrones and officers of the armie after prayer and 
reassoneing our voyage to England was unanimouslie resolved, 
and the intentiones of the army redd approvine and divulget 
and some sent away both for intelligence and spreading of 
same. The tennor of the Ire followis : 

Upon the 5 of August My Lord Balmerinoch and Lord 
Naper was sent to Lauthiane to hasten up the canone horse 
and that night was the busines anent the Comission of 

Upon the 6 of August Sir Harie Gib came to Dunse. 

Upon the 7 of August the Erie of Rothes Lord Loudoun 
Jo" Smyth and Mr. Ar'^ Jonstoun was sent to Edg'' for to 
find out the wayes of getting of money and provyding of tents 
to the souldears, both qlk seemed unpossible for the tyme. 

Upon the 8 they mett with the baillies of Edg' and sent 
the elders and the deacons through the bruche, who on that 
day and Monoday following gottine thrie thousand pair of 
scheits to the souldears tents. 

Upon Sunday 9 of August thair was keiped ane solemne fast 



throw the haill army and in the City of Edg"" qlk did con- 
tribute much to furder the money and tents. 

Upon Monoday the 10 of August all the neighbours being 
solemnely conveined in the parliat house of Edg*', after prayer 
and exhortatione they ofFere vvillinglie so many particular sums 
as amounted to ane hundredth thousand punds. This is Gods 
work and wonderfull in our eyes qlk requires remembrance, 
thankfulness, and dependence on God in new difficulties. 

This day the Erie of Argyle returned to Edg' and the Erie 
of Rothes to the Camp wheron the haill army was mustered 
and sworne to the military Articles, to the great contentment 
of the generall officeris. 





Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by 


F.S.A. Scot., Advocate. 



Ane True Accompt of the Preservation of the Honors, 112 

Letter from George Ogilvie of Barras to the Countess 

OF Marischal, . . . . .118 

Letter from the Countess of Marischal to Charles the 

Second, ...... 121 

Letter from William Ogilvie to his father, George 

Ogilvie of Barras, . . . . .123 

Mr. James Grainger, his Declaration anent the Honors, 125 

Barress Alledgances ansred 8 November 1660, . . 126 

Letter from the Minister of Kinneff to the Countess 

OF Marischal, . . . . .131 

Signature for the Patent of Knight Marischal to John 

Keith, ...... 132 

Letter from Charles il to the Earl of Middleton, . 134 

Memorial for the Earl of Kintore, . . .134 


For permission to publish the following papers, the Society is 
indebted to the courtesy of the Earl of Kintoro, whose pro- 
perty they are. They deal with a controversy which created 
some stir in Scotland in the year 1702. In that year, proceed- 
ings were taken before the Privy Council by John Keith, first 
Earl of Kintore, against Sir William Ogilvie of Barras and his 
son, in respect of a pamphlet published by them in 1701, 
entitled ' A True Account of the Preservation of the Regalia of 
' Scotland, viz. Crown, Sword, and Scepter, From falling into the 
' Hands of the English Usurpers, be Sir George Ogilvie of 
' Barras, Kt. and Barronet.' This pamphlet was published as a 
reply to the account of the preservation of the Honours given in 
Nisbet's Heraldry, and its purpose was to show that scant justice 
had been done to Sir George Ogilvie, and that the chief share 
of credit and reward had been given to the Earl of Kintore 
and his mother, the Dowager Countess Marischal. Ogilvie's 
pamphlet, together with a number of letters relating to the 
siege of Dunnottar in 1651-52, and the Act and Decreet of the 
Privy Council in 1702, was published by the Bannatyne Club 
in their volume of Papers relative to the Regalia of Scotland^ 
issued in 1829. The compilers of that volume, however, seem 
to have had access chiefly to papers upon Ogilvie's side of the 
controversy. The papers which are now published for the first 
time present the case rather from the point of view of Lord 
Kintore, and serve to complete the information available con- 


cerning the whole controversy. Some of them were produc- 
tions in the proceedings before the Privy Council, and were 
afterwards by authority returned to Lord Kintore. The con- 
troversy was one of long standing. It began immediately after 
the Restoration. One of these papers, entitled ' Baress alledg- 
ances ansred,' is dated 8th November 1660 ; another, entitled 
' Ane True Accompt of the Preservation of the Honours,' is 
undated, but is evidently a direct answer to Ogilvie''s pam- 
phlet, which, as already mentioned, was published in 1701. 
The legal proceedings resulted in a decreet of the Privy 
Council, which ordered the fining and imprisonment of Ogilvie, 
and the burning of his pamphlet by the common hangman. 

The account of the siege of Dunnottar Castle and the pre- 
servation of the Honours has been told before. It may be 
well, however, in order to explain the meaning of these letters, 
to give again an outline of the story, more especially as one or 
two details which bear upon the Kintore-Ogilvie controversy 
have been omitted from the earlier accounts. 

Charles ii. was crowned at Scone on the 1st January 1651, 
and the Honours of Scotland, the crown, sceptre, and sword, 
were used in the ceremony. The coronation was followed by 
the invasion of Scotland by Cromwell's troops, and Charles, 
instead of meeting Cromwell here, determined on his expedition 
into England, which ended so disastrously at Worcester. It 
was thought necessary, therefore, to take measures to ensure 
the safety, during the King's absence, of the emblems of 
Scottish royalty. Accordingly, on the 6th of June, the day 
Parliament rose, the Honours were handed over by Parliament 
to the Earl Marischal, whose hereditary privilege it was to 
have their custody during the sitting of Parliament. He was 
instructed to transport them to Dunnottar, ' thair to be keepit 
by him till farther ordouris.' In obedience to these instruc- 
tions, the Earl took them to Dunnottar, and concealed them 
there in a secret place. The command of the castle he 
intrusted to George Ogilvie of Barras, who was allowed a 


garrison of forty men and two sergeants, to be entertained at 
the public charge. This seems to have been practically the 
whole garrison at Ogilvie's command, and it was all too small 
to provide for the proper defence of the castle. Several times 
in the course of the siege which followed, Ogilvie appealed for 
more men, and several times he complained that nothing was 
done to supply him with money or provisions, and that conse- 
quently the whole cost of the maintenance of the castle fell 
upon the Earl MarischaPs estate and upon himself It appears 
that during some part of the time of Ogilvie's command, John 
Keith, the youngest brother of the Earl Marischal, who was 
then quite young, was with him in the castle.^ 

On the 28th August, the Earl Marischal and several other 
noblemen, members of the Committee of Estates, were 
surprised by a party of English horse at Alyth, and were 
taken prisoners. Finding that he was to be carried to London, 
the Earl contrived to send a messenger to his mother, the 
Dowager Countess Marischal, bearing to her the key of the 
secret place in which the Honours lay hid. Immediately on 
receipt of her son^s message, the Countess went to Dunnottar, 
' and had not stayed tuo hours ' when she heard of the near 
approach of the English troops. She took the Honours from 
their hiding-place and gave them to Ogilvie, strictly charging 
him to do his utmost to secure their safety. A few days after- 
wards the siege of the castle began, and soon developed into a 

Twice did Ogilvie receive a message from the Committee of 
Estates, once, before the siege began, from Aberdeen, and 
once, in September, from ' West end Lochtay,' demanding the 
Honours, that they might be removed to a place of greater 
safety in the Highlands. On each occasion Ogilvie conceived 
the warrant insufficient to free him from his trust, and refused 

^ See Decreet of the Privy Council, 30th July 1702, printed in the Bannatyne 
Club volume, 1829. 


to give them up. It was afterwards maintained by Lord 
Kintore that Ogilvie was afraid to disobey the Committee's 
orders, and that it was only upon his urgent advice and per- 
suasion that they were retained in Dunnottar.^ 

In November Ogilvie was twice summoned to surrender the 
castle upon honourable terms. To each summons he returned 
a spirited refusal. At this time only four strongholds outside 
the Highlands — Dunnottar, Dumbarton, Brodick, and the 
Bass Rock — held out for King Charles against the army of 
the Commonwealth.^ 

John Keith must have left the castle about the end of the 
year. He was probably the bearer of a letter which Ogilvie 
wrote to the King on the 20th December, suggesting that the 
castle might be relieved by sea. Charles was very anxious to 
relieve the castle, in which, besides the Honours, there was 
much valuable plate and furniture belonging to him, and he 
commissioned Major-General Vandruske to attempt its relief; 
but lack of money prevented Vandruske from obtaining a ship 
and the necessary means of succour, and Dunnottar had fallen 
before he was ready to start.^ 

For some months after Keith left him, Ogilvie continued to 
hold out, but his provisions began to fail, and his small 
garrison was exhausted. Worse than all, there were murmur- 
ings of mutiny among the defenders, and Ogilvie was compelled 
to drive one of the ringleaders from the castle.^ These things 
pointed to the impossibility of maintaining the post much 
longer, and, accordingly, Ogilvie and his wife began to con- 
sider how the Honours might be saved should the castle fall. 
It was left to the Governor's lady to devise the means, and she 
purposely kept her husband in ignorance of what she did, so 

^ See page 135 ; also Decreet of Privy Council, 1702. 

2 See Gardiner's History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate, vol. I. p. 470, 

3 See Mr. C. H. Firth's Introduction to Scotland and the Commotnvealth 
(Scottish History Society), p. xli ; Cal. Clar. State Papers, pp. 124, 129, 130, 


* Colonel David Lighten ; see p. 120, note i. 


that he might be able to tell the English that he did not 
know where the Honours were. It was not till fifteen months 
afterwards, when Mrs. Ogilvie was on her deathbed, that she 
confided to her husband the secret of their hiding-place. 

The person whom she took into her confidence was Mrs. 
Grainger, wife of the Reverend James Grainger, minister of the 
neighbouring parish of Kinneff,and the two ladies between them 
concocted a scheme for the removal of the Honours. One day, 
early in March, Mrs. Grainger and her maid went to Stone- 
haven on some ordinary housekeeping business. Amongst 
other things which she brought back with her were some 
bundles of flax, which were carried by the maid. On her way 
home she passed Dunnottar, and obtained permission from the 
English officer to visit her friend Mrs. Ogilvie. The visit was 
paid, and in due course Mrs. Grainger left the castle and 
returned to the manse at Kinneff. But she took with her the 
Honours. It is said that she carried the crown in her lap, 
and that she was seriously inconvenienced by the courtesy of 
the English officer, who assisted her to mount her horse, and 
conducted her through the English lines. For this part of the 
adventure there is unfortunately no corroboration in the pub- 
lished documents. It is more likely that the crown was 
transported, as the sceptre and sword were, in the bundle of 
flax which the maid carried. The journey was made out with- 
out suspicion being aroused, and the Honours reached the 
Kinneff manse in safety. 

They were then handed over to the minister, who concealed 
them at first, it is said, in the bottom of a bed at the manse, 
and afterwards secretly buried them under the pavement of the 
church. At the end of March, he went and informed the 
Countess Marischal of the removal of the Honours, and she 
took a receipt from him, acknowledging that they were in his 
custody, and stating the exact places in which they were buried. 

On the 24th May the castle was surrendered to the English 
upon honourable terms — the last post held for King Charles. 


Ten days before, Ogilvie had received a letter from the Earl 
Marisehal, from London — a letter which seems to have been 
written upon compulsion — ordering him to give up the castle. 
The Earl did not at the time know that the Honours were safe, 
but the Governor, though he did not know exactly what had 
become of them, probably had a shrewd idea that the English 
would not find them in Dunnottar. One of the articles of 
capitulation was that the Honours should be delivered up or a 
good account given of them, and the English were much 
disappointed to find that they had been baulked of their 

When they were interrogated on the subject, the Ogilvies gave 
out that John Keith had taken the Honours from Dunnottar to 
Paris, and had there given them to the King. They had no 
satisfactory evidence of this, however, to produce, though Mrs. 
Ogilvie ' contrived a missive letter," which she arranged should 
fall into the hands of the English, purporting to be from John 
Keith, acknowledging the carrying away of the Honours. The 
Ogilvies were accordingly arrested, and subjected to a severe 
examination and to some rigorous treatment, until a letter 
came from Keith from abroad, in which he took credit to him- 
self for the safe removal of the Honours to Paris. This letter 
caused the search to slacken, and, though the English still 
suspected that the Honours were nearer home, Ogilvie and 
his wife were released on bail, after suffering about seven 
months of imprisonment. Mrs. Ogilvie never recovered from 
the hardships she had undergone, and she died some time in 
the summer of 1653, telling her husband on her deathbed to 
whose charge she had committed the Honours, and adjuring 
him never to disclose the secret until the King should come 
by his own again. 

For eight years the Honours lay hid under the pavement of 
Kinneff Church. Secretly and at long intervals the minister 
visited them, and renewed their wrappings to protect them 
from the damp. On some of these occasions he was accom- 


panied by Ogilvie, who provided fresh linen to wrap them 

John Keith remained in France for about two years. He 
then followed Middleton to Holland, but arrived there too 
late to join his expedition, long delayed as that had been. 
Middleton landed in Sutherland in February 1654 ;2 Keith 
landed in Fife a short time afterwards. He was at once 
arrested by the English, but, being in disguise, he escaped, and 
after various adventures he joined Middleton in the north. 
With Middleton he remained until the skirmish at Lochgarry, 
in Athole, on 26th July 1654, which finally scattered the 
Royalist troops, and forced them to take to the hills.^ In the 
course of their wanderings, Keith obtained from Middleton a 
receipt for the Honours bearing to have been granted in 1652 
at Paris, ' tho it was trewly subscrived at Capoch in Loch- 
whaber,'' This receipt he produced when he eventually sur- 
rendered to the English, and was questioned as to the carrying 
abroad of the Honours, with the result that all search for them 
in this country was given up. 

After the Restoration, Charles was informed of the safety of 
the Regalia, and both the Countess Marischal and Ogilvie put 
in claims for the credit of their preservation. The Countess 
wrote to the King ; Ogilvie sent his son to London. The 
letter of the Countess, and a letter from William Ogilvie to 
his father, giving an account of his doings in London, are 
printed here. 

With regard to the quarrel that ensued, the first thing that 
strikes one is the pity of it. The Keiths, the Ogilvies, the 
Graingers, had all played their parts well, and had all deserved 
well of their country. There is no reason to suppose that the 
King was ungrateful for the service done him, and surely each 
might have taken his reward and been content, without launch- 

Ogilvie's Pamphlet, p. lo, Bannatyne Club volume ; see infra, p. 

Mercurius Politicus, i6th March 1654. 

' Letters from Roundhead Officers,' Bannatyne Club, 1856, p. 83. 


ing into unseemly squabbling and reviling of each other. It is 
not easy now to decide on whom the blame must fall of having 
begun the controversy. The Countess, in her letter to the King 
of 23rd May 1660, acknowledges the services both of Ogilvie 
and of Grainger, and seems to grudge them no reward. But 
then William Ogilvie goes to London to urge his father's 
claims, and the Countess sends a gentleman to London to see 
that her interests are not neglected, and trouble begins. The 
King seems to have been willing to act with perfect fairness. 
On the 4th September he writes to the Countess acknowledging 
her son's services and expressing his desire to reward them, but 
in no way committing himself against Ogilvie. On the con- 
trary, on the 28th September, William Ogilvie received, in 
answer to his petition, an order upon his father to deliver up 
the Honours to the Earl Marischal, to whose keeping they had 
been committed by the Scottish Parliament. But before this 
order was granted, William Ogilvie, suspecting that an attempt 
might be made by the Countess to obtain the Honours, wrote 
to his father warning him to see that they were given up to 
no one. That such an attempt was made by the Countess is 
admitted,^ But Grainger felt bound to Ogilvie, from whom 
he had originally received them. On the 21st July he had 
written to Ogilvie regarding the Honours, ' As for myself, my 
neck shall break, and my life go for it, before I fail to you ; ' ^ 
and on 28th September he gave Ogilvie the sceptre, and under- 
took, in writing, to make the crown and sword forthcoming to 
him on demand.^ It is difficult to reconcile this letter and 
' obligement "" of Grainger's with his ' declaration ' and his letter 
to the Countess, which are printed here. One is tempted to 
think that the Countess had by some means induced him to 
take a different view of the matter by the time that the latter 
were written. It is probably true that Grainger and Ogilvie 
went together to Dunnottar to deliver the Honours to the 

Infra, p. 127. ^ Nisbet's Heraldry, ii. 236, ^ Ibid. 


Earl Marischal, but the account given in ' Baress' Alledgances 
Ansred ' ^ of the EarFs reception of Ogilvie does not seem to be 
accurate. At all events, we find Grainger writing to the 
Countess, « Your ladyship remembers I did ever fear that he 
would easily wynd himself into my Lord Marischal his favour ;' ^ 
and Middleton writing later, « I am struck with amasement to 
think that my Lord Marischal should in the least countenanced 
him.' 3 It was possibly in connection with the Earl MarischaFs 
favourable treatment of Ogilvie that the family differences arose 
which are referred to in the King's letter to Middleton.^ 

Whatever may have been the merits of the controversy, the 
King seems to have acted impartially, and to have tried rather 
to make peace than to aggravate the quarrel. In 1660, John 
Keith was made Knight Marischal of Scotland, and granted a 
yearly pension of £4>00. On 5th March 1661, long after the 
whole matter must have been thrashed out, Ogilvie presented 
the Earl MarischaPs receipt to the King, and, in reward for his 
services, received a baronetcy, with an augmented blazon of 
arms. He also received the promise of a pension ' how soon 
the King's revenues were settled,' but the promise was never 
fulfilled. On 11th January 1661, Parliament ordered the pay- 
ment of two thousand merks Scots to Mrs. Grainger, in respect 
of her services in saving the Honours. At various subsequent 
dates new favours were shown both to Ogilvie and to Keith. 
In 1662, Ogilvie obtained a charter from the King, changing 
the tenure of his lands of Barras from ward-holding to blench, 
which charter was ratified by Parliament, 11th August 1669. 
Charles seems also, after George Ogilvie's death, to have given 
his son. Sir William, an appointment as Master of His Majesty's 
Hawks.5 In 1677, John Keith had a further honour conferred 

^ /n/m, p. 129. 2 /„y^^^ p_ J22_ 

' /«>a, p. 115. * Infra, p. 134. 

5 See a Draft Precept (undated) making the appointment, and also a letter 
from Sir William Ogilvie to the Earl of Airlie, dated 22nd April 1682, both 
printed in the Spalding Club Miscellany, vol. v. pp. 205, 206. 


upon him in reward for his services, and was created Earl of 

But the quarrel was not dead, and in 1701 it broke out 
again on the publication of Sir William Ogilvie's pamphlet. 
The Earl of Kintore took legal proceedings, as has been 
already stated, and the Privy Council seems to have adopted 
his version of the story in its entirety, and to have decided 
against the Ogilvies, who were visited with fine and im- 

Of the principal actors in the story, the following brief 
notes may be given : 

The Dowager Countess Marischal was Lady Mary Erskine, 
daughter of John, seventh Earl of Mar, and widow of William, 
sixth Earl Marischal, who died in 1635. In 1638 she married, 
as his third wife, Patrick Maule, who in 1646 was created Earl 
of Panmure. She was therefore Countess of Panmure at the 
time of the siege of Dunnottar, though she seems still to have 
been known as Countess Marischal. Lord Panmure died in 

Sir John Keith, Knight Marischal of Scotland (1660), and 
Earl of Kintore (1677), was the fourth and youngest son of 
William, sixth Earl Marischal. He died in 1714. 

Sir George Ogilvie of Barras, Baronet, was the eldest son 
of William Ogilvie of Lumgair, whose mother was a grand- 
daughter of James, first Lord Ogilvie. In 1634 he married 
Elizabeth, daughter of John Douglas of Barras, fourth son of 
William, ninth Earl of Angus. He obtained his commission 
as Cornet of Horse from the Earl Marischal in 1640. In the 
same year he purchased the lands of Wester Barras from his 
wife's brother, John Douglas. He died some time before the 
year 1680, and was succeeded by his eldest son. Sir William, 
who, along with his son David, was defender in the action 
raised by Lord Kintore. 

The Rev. James Grainger, A.M., was born about 1606, 


and laureated at St. Andrews University in 1626. He became 
minister of Kinneff parish some time before 1646, and died at 
the age of fifty-seven, in April 1663.^ His wife's name was 
Christian Fletcher. A tablet with a Latin inscription stands 
in KinnefF Church, to commemorate their services to their 

I have to thank Lord Kintore for allowing me to publish 
these tattered letters and papers, which I think are not without 
value as bearing upon an interesting episode in Scottish his- 
tory. I have also to record my great indebtedness to the Rev. 
Douglas Gordon Barron, minister of Dunnottar, who has read 
the manuscripts, and has furnished me with much information 
and many notes, of which I have made free use. And I have 
also to thank the Rev. S. Ogilvy Baker, Vicar of Muchelney, 
Somersetshire, the present representative of the Ogilvies of 
Barras, for the information he has put at my disposal regarding 
that family. 

* Fasti Ecclesice Scoticance, part vi. p. 874 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Report, vol. viii. 
P- 303- 


The Earll Marshall being tacken prisoner at Eliot,^ obtened 
leave to send a gentell man to his mother [pretejnding to give 
notice for a provision of raonay, evry thing [being] tacken 
from him by the English, but his aprahencion [of] the danger 
of the honours was that which stuck deapest in his heart. 
Therfor with this gentell man he derected the key of the place 
wher the honours were to his mother. The next day she went 
to the Castell of Dunnotter, and had not stayed tuo hours, 
when advertised that the English were to quarter sum 
shouldiers n[ear] to the Castell that night, upon which being 
fo[rced to] flay, yet be for she stured caused to open the roum 
and did tack out the honours and delivred them hir self to 
Georg Ogalvie (Captan of the Castall by the Earll Marshall's 
apoyntment) and charged him, whither hie should be nesesitat 
to capatilat, or other ways, he should secur them, giving him 
asurance of all hir posible asistance in evry thing, which he 
chearfuly undertouk. The day foulowing the enamie marched 
to Aberdeen, and shortly after returning did put a garison in 
Fitersso, the Countas of Marshall's joyntour hous, within tuo 
mils of the Castell from stoping it from provison or coraspon- 
dance with the Cuntry. 

Sum tym ther after the enamie having required him to 
surender the Castle,^ resolved that it were the securest way to 
remove the honours, where being conveyed to Mr, James 

1 The Earl Marischal, with other members of the Committee of Estates, was 
taken prisoner at Alyth, on 28th August 1651, by a troop of horse from Dundee 
under Colonel Alured. '^ Early in Marcli 1652. 


Granger, a preachers house did . . . which he afterwards 
caried and put them underground in the church, as his 
testificat under his hand^ doth yet declayr the perticular 
places they were laid in in case he should die. The castle 
afterward being surendred,^ the Captan (upon bale when cald 
to apear) was dismised unchalinged for the honours, but 
having mist them, they laid him fast with his wife in Aber- 
deen. He being thus put too it declared that tuo or three 
munths befor he had cummited them to my lady Marshalls 
youngest son, John Keath, who had gon out of the kingdom, 
to be by him transported to his Magestie, who was then in 
France at Parise ; upon which his mother did imeditly writ to 
him to aknoulidg and oun the tacking of them away with him, 
which ass sune as possible he returned the said aknowlidgment, 
declaring that as he carried them with him, so did deliver 
them by his Magisties order to Generall Midelltoun. This 
did tack up sum time till his answar could com, which ocasioned 
Georg Ogelvies confinment, but how sune his declaration was 
presented they did permite him to go, and set him at liberty. 

The said John Keath in the meantime being as banished, 
who durst not return to Scotland least the English should 
have tacken him and so rouined him by there severity, or els, 
which was wors, might upon torturing him, extorted a con- 
fesion of that mater from him ; so being still abroad, att 
last cam from France to Holand, and understanding of his 
Magesties commands on Generall Mideltone, who went with 
sum oficers from Holand to Scotland, did resolve to haserd 
himself in that service ; and so folowing Generall Midellton 
and geting a veshell in Holand, landed at the Elie in Fyfe, 
where he was aprehended by the enamie, but being in disguis 
and giving himself out for a poor young merchant lad, he made 
his escape. 

But after he cam amongest his freends, notice was had of 
his being in the cuntray, and sevrall parties in quest of him, 
he being in grait haiserd sevrall tims to be tacken, who on 
sevrall ocasions escapted, the sircumstances wherof were too 
tedious to relate. Therafter having a coraspondance with the 

Printed in Regalia Papers (Bannatyne Club), p. 40. - 24th May 1652. 



Marquiss of Mountross, who maried his cusian german,^ he by 
his intelHgence where Generall Midelltoun was, did at last 
joyn with him, with sum few of his friends, and constantily 
did remain with him in the hils till they were defeat at 
Lochgarioch by the English.- 

The meanwhill the litle forse that Generall Midelltoun had 
with him being defate, evry man acted for himself; the Earls 
of Glencarne, Atholl, Montross, Sellkirk, afterwards Deuck 
Hamiltoune, with many other persons of quality, did capitulat, 
but the said John Keiths case being very hard and diferent 
from others, he, befor he parted with Generall Midelltoun, 
did desir from him a recept of the honours, at the time when 
King [Charles] and the said John were both at Parise, tho it 
was trewly subscrived at Capoch in Lochwhaber, which he did. 
And therafter, after many hardships, his mother got him 
included by Generall Munks orders in the capitullation with 
my Lord Muntross, Collonal Cobet, then governor of dundie, 
being ordred by Generall Munke to treat with the Marquise ; 
and after all was agried upon, Cobbeet told the said John, he 
had sum other thing by order of the Generall to enquir at 
him, which was, if he did carie away the honours abroad, as 
was given out, and what way he could mack it apear he did 
so, since it was wery much suspected that they were sum wher 
in Scotland. Upon which very boldly, he ouned the caring of 
them away, and in testamonie wherof he produced Generall 
Mideltons recpt daited at Paris that by the King order he 
had reeved the honours of Scotland, to wit the crown, septer, 
and sourd, from John Keith, bruther jerman to the Earle 
Marshall of Scotland. Upon which production, Colonell 
Cobbet, after he red the recpt, he aknoulidged that he had 
acted lick a prety man, and no more to say to him ; and so 
was included in the capulatiton. Nather was there any sherch 
maid by the English ; which by these means above said they 
were absuletly preserved till the time of King Charles his 

^ James Graham, second Marquis of Montrose, married Isabel Douglas, 
daughter of William, seventh Earl of Morton, whose wife, Anne Keith, was 
sister of John Keith's father, William, sixth Earl Marischal. 

- The Royalist troops were surprised and put to flight at Loch Garry in Athole 
on 26th July 1654. 


restoration, at which time Georg Ogelvie had the impidence 
to send his son to London for sooth to represent to his 
Magesty that he had all ways the honours in his custodie, and 
that no person but himself, who was the only instrument of 
there preservation could have any pretence on that accompt. 

Upon which the Countas of Marshall [being] informed [of 
th]is sent up a gentell man to London to inform the King 
of this insolance, who was graciously plesed, after the trew 
knowledge of the mater, not to harken to there unjust and 
calumius suggestions, but wrot a leter to my Lady Marshall 
as follows : 

Madam, — I am so sensable of the good service don to me in 
preserving my crown, septer, and sowrd, that as I have put 
marks on your sons, so I could not lett them go to Scotland, 
without aknowledging also my sence of your kindnes and caire 
in that and other things relating to my service during my 
absence. I do desire that these things may be delivrd to my 
Lord Marshall, that as he recived them, so they may be 
delivred by him to the inshouing Parliment, and shall only adde 
that on all ocasions you shall find me your afecitonat friend, 


Whitehall, the 4^A of September, 1660, 

Not withstanding of his Magistis letter [to the] Countes of 
Marshall, it sems that Georg Ogelvies son did not give over, 
having my Lord Ogelvie very much his friend, with sum others, 
till at last there is a letter from the Earle of Midelltoun in 
answer to the said Countas, by whos means the last stop was 
maid to his bass and fals pretintons, which is as follows : 

Madam, — I most humbly, in the first place, crave your 
ladyship pardon for not returning particular ansuers to your 
letters. Your son, my nobell friend, when he was [at] this 
place did , . . me that labour, and realy. Madam, I cannot 
on day be meste v . . . hour of time, I am both sory and 
ashamed that [so little a person] as Mr, Ogelvie should have 
put your ladyship to so [much trouble], I confess I am struk 
with amasement to think that my [Lord Marischall] should in 
the least coutinanced him. I shall not be [wanting to put] a 
stop to his pretintions and serve you with ass [much faithful- 


ness] and zeall as any servant you have, and rely it [is my] 
ambition to be acompted amongest the number of your 
servants, and I hop all my ocasions shall express that I am, 
Madam, Your ladyships most faithful! and obedent humbell 
servant, Midellton. 

London, November the 15, 1660. 

Lickwise it will not be improper to insert the Ministers 
Declaration [under his own hand] who had the custody of 
these honours till the Restoration which will [clear m]uch of 
this afair, and is [as] follows : 

Being informed that Georg Ogelvie of Barras hath his son 
at London, giving out that his father was the only preserver of 
the honours of Scotland when they were in hasard to be tacken, 
and that they were in his custodie ever since, tho others have 
been more instromentall nor he, I thought good therfor to 
declair the treuth, viz., That in Agust 1651 by the Countas of 
Marshall, the honours were delivred to Georg Ogelvie with 
charge to him to secure them, and he keping them in Donnoter 
till there was no probabilitie of longer maintining the castell, 
he imployed me (having suficient asurance of my loyaltie to his 
Magestie, and fidelitie in promis keping) to carie the honours 
out of the hous and secure them, and to barr sospition, I sent 
my wife, who brought them furth without being discovered by 
the enamie, tho rencountred by them in the way. This was 
in the begining of March 1652. And he having engadged me 
with all convenience I should go and aquent the Countes of 
Marshall therwith, in the end of March I went, and informed 
hir of the wholl proseder [which] she [approved] of, and was 
satasfied that they should remain in my [keping, taking] also 
my ticket of having them, expressing the perti[cular] places 
[whair]in they were then secured, so that I have kept them 
according to hir desire untill this present October 1660, the 
eight day of which, at my Ladys command, according to the 
order she had recived from his Magistie for that efect in Denotor 
Castell, I delivred them to the Earle Marshall befor these 
witneses, the Viscount of Arburthnot, the Shirof Deput of the 
Maims, and sevrall other gentell men, wherupon I required a 


ticket of recpt, but was defered till afterwards, since which time 
I am informed that Georg Ogelvie hath obteined from the Earle 
Marshall a recpt, and have sent [eithjer it or the doubell of it 
to London to be produced by his son as [if the honjours had 
bene in his custodie and by him preserved [although] it be 
weall knowen to his son that I had them in my [house and] 
keiping ever since the first delivrie of them to me. [But 
inde]ed the prime mean of there saftie was the declaring them 
[to be carrie]d of the kingdom by the Earle Marshall his 
brother John (which he ouned). For as it stoped the enemie 
from sherching for them, so it freed Georg Ogelvie from 
prison [an]d far[ther] trayall. In wittnes of the treuth, I have 
writen and subscrive[d these] presents with my hand the nynten 
of October 1660, (signed) Mr. James Granger, 

Minister at Kinneff. 

The originalls of the Kings letter with the Earle of 
Midletons, and this Declaration of the Ministers, are all in the 
Earle of Kintores hands to be seen. 

Be all this aforsaid its hoped that the treuthe of this afair 
is ingeneraly [dis]covred, and that no person of honour or 
sense will pertack with hi[m by] giving credit to so [in]solent 
calumnies, wher by his false ase[rsi]ons [he re]flects most 
abusivly on the memory of so nobell and wo[rthy] a lady as the 
Countas of Marshall was knowen to be, as also upo[n the] 
present Earle of Kintore, who hath in all integritie declared 
this [to be] of facte, by which it will apear that he was the 
absolut and trew [instrume]nt of preserving the honours. Nay, 
it also reflects on the justice [and the] blesed memory of King 
Charles the Second, who was gracious[ly pleased] to put marks 
of honour on the said Earle by granting to him [the dignity] 
of Knight Marshall at his restoration fortie years ago, whe[re 
it as] the chief causes of this gift bears his preserving of the 
hon[ours,] As also since, he was pleased to grant him the title 
of Earle [of Kintore], wherin amongest other reasons that of 
the preservation of them is the chefest caus, and in his patant 
ordeans the Lord Layon to give him ane aditionall coat of 
arms conform to the narative of his Signiture [which] the 
Layon, under his seall, did grant, and gave him the croun, 


[septer], and sourd, all which is to be sene under the grait seale 
and the Layo[ns] warand for them. 

Its not denayed that Georg Ogelvie did give out the 
honou[rs to] the minister of KinnefF, which he was ordred by the 
Countas [of Marshall] that in case of hazard they should be 
secured the best [way possible]. She was satasfied with and 
aproved it that they were put in [to the hands] of so honest [a] 
man after his cuming to hir and aquenting [hir therwith]. 
Upon which accompt all others conserned wold have ben 
ve[r]y w[ell] pleased the said Georg Ogelvie should have been 
rewarded by the K[ing], and it is known my Lady Marshall in 
a letter to his Magistie ^ did give him the caracter of a person 
of fedelity and secrecie in manadging [of] that afair. Yet 
nothing being satasfactury to him unles the absulut preserva- 
tion of the honours which he most aragantly asumed to him- 
[self] should be ludged in his pearson, so that the Countas of 
Marshall having informed the King of his falshood and foly, 
did defat all his pretent[ions]. Tho upon his first adress to 
the King, which he made with sum s[how of] modestie, he was 
maid a knight baronet, and might have got a pe[erage] if he 
had not so insolently indevred by his vanity and lys to put 
such desgrace and reprotche on the Countas of Marshall and 
the Earle of Kintore ; wherfor it is expected that if this afair 
shall be represented to his Magisties Counsell, there lordships 
will, out of ther justice and trew vindication of the treuth, 
render a punishment suetabl to so great a villenny. 


29 March, 1652. 
Madame, — I have receauit your Ladyships and the com- 
missione, and hes doune euery thing ther in as ye did apoynt 
me. Bot treulie for that quliilk your Ladyship desyrit me to 

^ See p. 122. 

2 This letter was written during the siege of Dunnottar, and some weeks 
after the Honours had been removed to Kinneff. The Countess cannot, however, 
have known of the safety of the Honours at the time she wrote the letter to 
which this is a reply. The letter seems to show that the Countess had been 


mend wes not out of any doubt or mistrust in these gentillmen, 
bot for your forder exonoratione quhairin busines had not 
takine efteck, as I desyrit Mr. Alexander to hav showne your 
Ladyship and them both. For thes Inglesmen sieing they 
hav ane absohit commissione micht hav wronged them giv they 
had not condisendit to euery thing they had desyrit them, and 
then they micht hav said ther commissione did only cary 
alongest uith ther inclination. Bot I salbe glad that this may 
giv your Ladyship and them satiesfactione, for it salbe my 
uttermost endevor to dou the samen and giv myselfF and all 
that is deir to me as this is I wald submit the samen to your 
Ladyship and thes tua gentillmen. But I ame informit that 
Major-generall Deane^ can dou nothing of any importance till 
he first acquent the Counsell of Estat at Lundene and hav 
order from them. Bot in my walk jugment it wes my Lords 
desyr uith Mr. Alexander Pattoune to send thes instructions 
to his Lordship giv your Ladyship and the rest of the frends 
think it guid, and them richt and wyse giv he can mak the 
capitulatione quhair he is, quhair he can hav ane full surtie 
for quhat he ends for. And in the mane tyme ye may be dall- 
ing uith Dane till ye sail heir from my Lord, quhilk may be 
uery quiklie giv ye wald choysit Mr. Alexander Pattone to 
send the doubill of thes things to him, and that it is your 
jugment that he sould go on that way. And giv he thinks it 
not fieting lat him acquent your Ladyship quhat he thinks 
most fieting to be doune. I crave pardoune for presumtione, bot 
it salbe always subjek to your Ladyships commandiments. My 
Lord desyrs to be carefull of the black stock and provyd the 
samen.2 God knows how I sail dou the samen. For excep 

trying to arrange some terms of capitulation with the English. Ogilvie, though 
very sore at the treatment he had received both inside and outside the Castle, 
and in low spirits about the possibility of holding out much longer, does not seem 
eager for the success of the Countess's negotiations. His letter is probably 
purposely couched in vague language. 

^ Major-General Richard Deane, commander-in-chief of the English forces in 

^ The ' Black Stock ' or Table Dormant of the Castle was a very highly valued 
heirloom of the Keith family. It was said to have been made of oaken planks 
taken from the long-ship which brought the Chatti (from whom the Keiths claimed 
descent) from Germany in the eleventh century. The table is still preserved in 
Ravelston House, Midlothian. 


that quhilk your Ladyship dois in relacione to this hous, I hav 
non that dois so much as to countinance the samen. I hav 
wryttine a letter to the Sereff anent that particular and lies 
desyrit him to provyd and send me some nessesers quhilk can 
be easlie had ther sick as fishis and some salmond and some of 
ther mill suane, and that he wald w* (wryt) Coluberdy and 
Captane Martine, as they wald be ansuerabill, that they wald 
send me seuen or aucht gentillmen. Bot God knowis quhat 
obedyence wilbe gottine of this and quhat car or respect they 
cary to thes pepill in your absence quho hes reliveit this place. 
I hop the day sail cum that I sail not spair in ther faces to 
say so much. And nou in respect of the lest I wryt to your 
Ladyship anent Cornell Lichtoune,i hou much nied I stand of 
some gentill men that be faithfull and honest, bot they ar uery 
skars and feu frends to try them out, bot euery on having ther 
awne excussis. So I intreat your Ladyship to think upon this 
and ly tue your helping hand as ye hav euer donne befor, and 
for my selfF I sail dou as I hav donne befor the uery utter- 
most of my lyfF. I wald glaidlie know give your Ladyship hes 
hard any thing frome your sone John as yet, for I long to heir 
fronie him.'^ They wilbe on at your Ladyship uery schortlie, 
quhilk will informe you anent your barley. So giv ye think 
not the terms guid that is endit upon, ye may dou theruith as 
ye think fieting. If ye hav ane capitulatione, giv they be 
things disputabill that cannot be agret upon, I wald think it 
fieting that the frends sail sie giv they will refer the samen to 
my Lord and the Counsell Estat at Lundone. So my Lord 
may ues his awne monneyone ther uith them and I sail giv ane 
neu commissione to my Lord for thes poynts giv it be niedfull, 
I wryt to Elsick," and I hav sent his letter to your Ladyship. 

^ David Lighton, ' who had been a colonel abroad,' was ringleader of the 
mutiny in the castle, and was expelled by Ogilvie. See ' Vindication ' printed 
at the end of Ogilvie's pamphlet in the Regalia Papers. 

* This reference to Ogilvie's anxiety about John Keith lends probability to the 
idea that he was the bearer of the Governor's appeal to the King for help. It 
may be that Ogilvie, knowing that his wife had removed the Honours, was 
already considering his scheme of imputing their removal to Keith. 

^ Sir Alexander Bannerman of Elsick, created a baronet in 1682, on account 
of his loyalty and sufferings during the usurpation. 


1 can not bot admyre hou men quho professis frendschip in siek 
ane busines of importance will prefer any thing to it. Bot 
quhat sail I say ? Lou and faithfulness is remouit out of this 
land and kingdome, and it is Godis jugment due to us quho 
hes left the loue of God and loyaltie to our king. I can say 
no moe, bot I wish that your Ladyship may mak chois of some 
honest man that wilbe faithfull in the busines giv ye can not 
herefter persuaid him to imbres the samen, for I think it Strang 
hou he can refuis the samen, and I find be the Lard of 
Morphie^ he starts much at Elsicks unwillingnes. Always I 
hav submited all to your Ladyship and hes sent and subscriuit 
all ye desyrit me to dou, or giv Elsick cum and ane other giv 
he cum not that ye may put in ther name. Hoping as I ame 
confident ye will remember on him quho is and salbe still, 
Your Ladyships humbill seruant, George Ogiluy. 

I wish your Ladyship may keip this letter of Elsick to showe 
mens willingnes and ther excussis, for quhen they will not 
haissart ane triffell of menes they will neuir haissart lyff and 
fortoune. I had wryttine the gratest part of my letter or this 
came to my hand. 

For the Richt Honorabill my uery nobil Lady, 
The Connies of Marschall, Thes. 


May it please your Majestie, — Haveing received that honour 
of a letter from your Majestie from Collen 4th January [16]55, 
in which yow take notice of my desires to doe your Majestie 
service, which is far above my merit and short of the desire and 
wi[ll] I had and still hath to express that duetye which I know 
that I and all good people is obleiged to, if I were not bound in 

^ George Grahame of Morphie, who afterwards became cautioner for Ogilvie 
when he was liberated in January 1653. 


loyalty to your Majestic, as by my birth to my dread soveraigne, 
yet the particular respects which yow have been pleased to put 
upon me both by word and writ hath tyed me so far that I 
esteeme myself obleiged to witness my thankfullnes in obeying 
any of your Majesties commaunds, though it were to the hazard 
of my life; and if I could express the joy I have of hearing 
of your Majesties being restored to what is your due by 
birth, would in some kynd charecter my loyalty to your 
Majestic, quhich is far above that which I can either say or 

As for the saftie of the honours I have left nothing which 
wcs in my power to doc for the same, in which it pleased God 
to assist m[e], . . . ar preserved to your Majestic and your 
posteritie. I pray the Lord that you may long [enjjoy them 
. . . for the way of securing of them were too tedious for a 
letter. Only the gentlman quho commanded the Castle of 
Donnotter discharged his ducty veric honestlie in putting 
them in the hands of a pcrsone who did show himself worthie 
of so great a trust. 

As for the particular passages therof the bearer, Johne 
Keith, my sone (who by owning the carying of them beyound 
sea, prevented what danger a further search might have made) 
will give your Majestic a full relatione of all concerning the 
same. To which my sone, Marshall (being prisoner in the 
Tower of London), wcs altogether ignorant untill his returne 
to Scotland, and then the secret wcs made knowne, to his great 
contentment, as he will give your Majestic a further accompt, 
and seing that his house and familie have been loyall to their 
King, I must humbly entreat your Majestic to look upon them 
with the eye of favour, as your loyall subjects, and seing it is 
not neccssare the honours should ly any longer in obscurity 
your Majestic will resolve how to dispose of them, and that I 
may have your Majesties warrand for obeying the same, which 
shall be performed by her, who shall ever continue, 

Your Majesties faithfuU loyall subject and 
humblest scrvantc. 

[Indorsed] Copie of my Ladys Letter to the Kiiig^ 23rd May 1G60. 



Vestmi7ister, in Stephens Alley, at Mr. AxtilUs house, 
the 15 of Septemher 1660. 
LoviXG Father, — Since my last to you I have got litle 
doein in the businesse, and the reason is the Duick of Glocester 
his death and the arrivall of the Spanish embassadour have so 
troubled the King that none for this eight dayes darre move 
any businesse to his Majestie till he be a little appeased and 
till some dayes of mourning be past. But I am confident that 
the businesse about the honoures, vhich the King knowes of at 
length, shall goe very voll on, gif ye but keepe them undely vered 
till any till ane new order come to you, and I hope ane new 
pension or some other commoditie besyds honour vith it. So 
give it vere your pleasure to come this length yourself it void 
be veil vorth your paines ; and give ye can not come your self, 
vryt to the King, and vryt your mynd to me quhat ye void 
have doen, for we can not goe back vith quhat ve have already 
motioned and have very good hopes of, and especially the best 
of our friends being ingaged in the businesse. For quhen I saw 
that businesse vas goine vrong heire, I wrot my frendis that ye 
had sent me to doe for you, as I have com, and shall, God vill- 
ing, continue to doe especially in this businesse vherein, give it 
be rightly man[na]ged I hope all that shall succeede us shall 
have credit of it ; for all our countreymen lookes so much upon 
it that they say their is no Scotsman heir can say the lyk, and 
the King vill not let you vant ane liberall revard for it. So 
keepe them till I acquaint you upon any condition. And give 
my Lord Marschall hes surprysed you vith the Kings order 
befor my letter came to your hands, ye most either come or 
vryt to the King that he had them and hes suffered for them, 

^ William Ogilvie had been sent by his father to London, to present a petition 
to the King, asking for an order as to the disposal of the Honours. The 
answer to the petition was given on the 28th September, in the shape of an 
order on the petitioner's father to deliver up the Honours to the Earl Marischal, 
and to obtain his receipt therefor. 


ye and your viffe, and preserved them till this tyme that ye 
have obeyed his Magisties order. And give ye have gotten ane 
receit on them ye most send it to me that I may shew it. But 
it vere better that ye keept them selves only till I acquaint 
you, unlesse they have surprysed you unvares. For I assure 
you your name vas never heard of in the businesse till I cam, 
and I hope ye vill consider the more of it and vill not abyd 
from this, seeing your best friends and I both am ingaged to 
the King to make it good that ye vas the only preserver 
of these honours under God. I shall heast thorow businesse 
as soon as I can ; but I have gotten ane strange trick played 
me, vhich is thus : Collonell J. Ogilvy had ane study in 
his chamber and I had non in myn, so he desyred me to put 
in my pockmantle in his closet for securities cause, as I did vith 
als my money in it. Vithin five dayes after he is goein home, 
the Duick of Glocester died and all the Court most have 
mourning. I vent to tell my money to see quhat I had, and 
did cast my compt quhat I had spent, and after I had told the 
money I misse fyfteen pound starlin. I tryes my man and the 
maid and all that vere in the house for my money. They svore 
they handled it not, for non got the key of the closet but the 
Collonells man, ane tailyor young man who had comd up to 
serve him for ane tym and to see and learne the fashiones. He 
made my clothes, and quhen he made them he not so much 
money as to buy candle to sow them vith till I gave it to 
him, as the Collonell knowes, but quhen he vent avay he did 
let the maid of the house see ane [lejnth excellent cloth vorth 
20 shillings a yard, vith furniture [conjforme and many other 
things for voemen he had coft and told her he vas to carry them 
to France vith him. So be all probabilitie he stole the money. 
I desyre ye void vryt to the Collonell to search for him to put 
him to ane tryall, and I doubt not but he vill be found guiltie. 
I void not have need much had not this fallen out, but ye most 
supplie me vith some now, for I can get non here upon any 
tearmes, and see give ye can get my money again. For he got 
his maisters key often, and his maister chyded him that he void 
not keepe it, as he did at last to my losse and the vay that 
he has opened the meale vhich I did not perceive, seeing it vos 
locked. He has only drawen the tackle to him and put in 


his hand at the end vhere the money vas in the bagge, as I did 
befor all the house, and has taken his pleasur. So I have 
vritten to the Collonell and vi . . . vyse that I vant it not. 
So expecting ane answer of all in [hejast, my respectes to your- 
self, bedfellow and all friend being preferred, I rest, your loving 
and faithfull sonne to death, W. Ogtlvy. 

For his loving father, George Ogilvy of Barras, 
These in all heast present. 


9.0th October 1660. 
Being informed that George Ogilvie of Barras hath his sonne 
at London giving out that his father was the only preserver of 
the honoures of Scotland when they were in hazard to be taken, 
and that they were in his custodie ever since, though others 
have been more instrumentall then he, I thought good therefor 
to declare the truth, viz. : That in Agust 1651 by the Countess 
of Marsha[ll] the honoures were deliuered to George Ogilvie 
with charge to him to secure [them], and he keeping them in 
Dunnottar till there was no probabilitie of longer mantein[ing] 
the Castell, he imployed me (having sufficient assurance of 
my loyaltie to his Majestic [and] fidelitie in promise keeping) 
to cary the honoures out of the house and to secure them. 
And to barre suspicion I sent my wife, who brought them forth 
without being discovered by the enemie, though rancountred 
by them in the way. This was in the begining of March 1652. 
And he having engaged me that with all conveniencie I should 
go and acquaint my Lady Marshall therewith, in the end of 
March I went and informed her of the whole procedour, which 
shee approved of, and was satisfied that they should remaine in 
my keeping, taking also my tickquet of having them, expressing 
the particular places whairin they were then secured. So that 
I have keeped them, according to her desire, untill this present 
October 1 660, the eight day of which, at my Ladies command 
(according to the ordour shee had received from his Majestic 


for that effect), in Dunnottar Castell I delivered them to the 
Earle Marshall before these witnesses, the Visecount of Arbuth- 
not, the Sheriff Deput of the Mearns, and severall other gentill- 
men ; whairupon I required a tickquet of recept, but was deferred 
till afterwards,^ Since which time I am informed that George 
Ogilvie hath obteined from the Earle of Marshall a recept and 
hath sent ather it or the double of it to London to be produced 
by his Sonne, as if the honoures had been in his custodie and 
by him preserved, although it be weell knoune to his sonne 
that I had them in my house and keeping ever since the first 
deliverie of them to me. But indeed the prime mean of their 
safetie was the declaring them to be caried off' the kingdome 
by the Earle Marshall his brother John (which he owned), for 
as it stopped the enemie from searching for them, so it freed 
George Ogilvie from prison and farther triall. In witnesse 
of the truth heirof I have written and subscribed thir presents 
with my hand the 19 of October, 1660. 

M. Jam. Grainger, Minister at Kinneff. 

[On back] Edinburgh, 26 August 1702, presented by Alexander Troop, 
Wryter, and registrat per McKell, procurator. 

Given back by act of parliament. 


Wheras George Ogilvie maketh severall assertiones in 
referrence to his part in preserving the honors of Scotland. 
Therfore the trueth is declared in the ensuing answeres. 

1. He affirmes that allwayes since Mr. James Granger had 
them first in his custodie he hath had his oath never to deliver 
them to any persone quhatsoever but unto him.^ 

^ Grainger actually only delivered to the Earl Marischal the crown and sword. 
Ogilvie had previously obtained from him the sceptre, and seems to have gone 
with him to Dunnottar. The Earl Marischal's receipt for the Honours was 
given to Ogilvie, not to Grainger. 

2 This statement of Ogilvie's seems to have been quite true. See Grainger's 
letter to him, printed in Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. ii. p. 236. 


Answer: About the time of his Majesties arrivall in 
England, George Ogilvie had occasion to be with my Ladie 
Marshall ; at which tyme she told him that she being certaine 
that how soon his Majestie mynded these honours, and resolved 
to commit them to convenient keeping, there would come 
some order or directione to her to deliver them to any should 
be intrusted, Therfore that she intended (as conceiveing it 
most pertinent) to remove them from Mr. Grangers house unto 
her own dwelling. But she promised to advertise him before 
she removed them. His answer wes nowayes negative, but gave 
his opinion, that she needed not be too sudden till his Majestie 
wes weell setled. According her promise, one day or tuo be- 
fore she intended to send for them by a letter, she advertised 
Georg Ogilvie ; which how soon he received he went straight 
to Mr. Grangers houss, and finding him in bed, in a chamber 
alone, he went in and, bolting the door behind him, he told 
him, there wes a bussines which most neerly concerned him, and 
quhairin if the minister helped him not, he wes for evermore 
ruined, and it wes within the compass of his power to preveine 
the danger or not ; and therfore shewed him there wes a 
necessitie of his promise to help him to his power. By which 
words and the like he preingaged Mr. Granger by his solemne 
promise ; and then told him it wes, not to deliver the honours 
unto any without his consent. But the nixt day my Ladie 
Marshall sending for them, the minister perceived himself cir- 
cumveined, and much resented his simplicity. 

2. That when the Committee sent their order to Mr. Granger 
to deliver the honours to Balmanie and James Peddee, and 
they to deliver them to Whitrigs,^ that Mr. Granger offerred 
willinglie unto him the whole honours, so to preveine the 
Councells order, but that he would not take them at that tyme, 

^ On 9th September 1660, the Committee of Estates had granted a warrant to 
Sir William Ramsay of Balmayne, and James Peadie, bailie of Montrose, to 
receive the Honours from Grainger, and to thank him in the name of the Com- 
mittee, and promise him a reward for his services. On the same day they granted 
a warrant to Robert Keith of Whiterigs, Sheriff-depute to the Earl Marischal, to 
receive the Honours from Ramsay and Peadie, and to preserve them in Dun- 
ottar till the Earl's return from England. These warrants were rescinded, 28th 
September 1660, in consequence of the arrangements made in London for the 
disposal of the Honours. 


wanting conveniency to cary them ; except onlie the scepter ; 
but gave him his recept on all, and tooke the ministers ticquet 
to deliver him the rest quhen he desired. 

Answer : Georg Ogilvie haveing notice of this order of the 
Committee, and finding himself slighted therin, represented 
to the Minister that the obeying of that order would tend 
absolutlie to both their prejudices (although the Committee 
in their order had thanked Mr. Granger, and promised him 
reward), and advysed him to give the honours unto him before 
the order came ; and then should he be frie from obeying it. 
The minister answered he would not, nor would not be any 
more deceived by his unhandsome policie. But while they are 
thus debatting there comes a servant of Whitrigs with a letter 
in relatione to the order, at quhich George Ogilvie took occasion 
to entreat the minister to doe something presentlie that so he 
might have something of a ground to answer the Shereff. And 
if he would not give him all, let him have but the scepter, 
and he should give him the recept of all quhich he might 
shew, to testifie he had delivered all. To quhich the minister 
condiscended upon George Ogilvies great oath to restore it 
whensoever he called for it, and the minister gave George 
Ogilvie a ticquet testifying that though George Ogilvy had 
given a recept for the whole, yet he had received but the 

Morover when my Lord Marshall sent from Bolasheine ^ his 
deput and Arthur Straton of Snadown - with the Kings letter 
to my Ladie to deliver them to her sone ; and her letter to 
Mr. Granger to deliver them to these in her sones name, Mr. 
Granger went to Barres requyring from him the scepter, the 
Kings order being come to deliver the honours ; notwith- 
standing of his former oath, he absolutly refuised to give it. 
So that these ^ messengers returned without receiving them ; 
because they would not take one part without the other. 

3. That Mr. James Granger went unanimouslie with him 
to Donnotter to deliver the honours. 

Answer : My Lord Marshall haveing given a precept to 

1 Bolshan, in Kinnell parish, Forfarshire, at that time the property of Lord 

- Arthur Straitoun of Snadoune, Scriba sig7ieto regio, 1629. 


Mr. Granger, and ane express command to Barres, to bring in 
to Donnotter on Moonday the 8 October, each of them, that 
part of the honours quhich they had, George Ogilvie wrot to 
Mr. Granger to come to his house at Craigie, with the croune 
and sword, and that to the effect they might goe jointlie 
togither, and deliver all, the minister answered that he scorned 
to come to his house, nor would he have more to doe with him 
in that nor in anything else; but that seeing he had perjured 
himself in refuising to returne him the scepter, he would goe 
alone and delyver the rest by himself. Yet notwithstanding 
of this answer George Ogilvie, to take away any seeming of 
difference betuixt them in the delivery, met the minister upon 
the rod and so went on with him to Donnotter. 

4. That he wes most affectionatly received by my Lord into 
Donnotter, yea even unto imbraceing. 

Answer : The minister and he haveing brought in the 
honours all at one tyme, notice was given to my Lord, quho 
directed to bring them into a roome, and haveing looked upon 
the honours he thanked them both in generall, though more 
particularly the minister, and commanded the sheref deput (to 
quhom he had givene the charge of the houss) to lift the 
crowne and cary it to a closet. George Ogilvie being moved 
therat, snatched at the scepter and caryed it in undesired, and 
a certaine space therafter taryed in the dyning roome with the 
rest of those then attending, but received nothing afterward 
from my Lord but downlooking and frownes. And the nixt 
morning my Lord causd my Lord Arbuthnot send him word 
that my Lord absolutlie discharged him from any more seing 
his face ; which he hath not since.^ 

5. That he alone hath been the onlie suff'errer, losser, and 
persone endangered for the preserving of these honours. 

Answer : The tyme he wes prissoner (which wes the whole 
sume of his suff'[ering]) he liberat himself from all suffering, 
losse or danger, by burthening my Lord Marshalls brother by 
his declaring to the English that he had caryed them away, 
which banished him for about 3 yeires, quhich tyme he wes 

^ With regard to the Earl Marischal's reception of Ogilvie, see supra, 
p. 109. 



exposed to both hazard and want, being robbd in his travel- 
hng, my Lady, his mother, at great expenses for him, and his 
bills of exchange miscaryed, himself in severall hazards of 
taking before he could land and reach the hills of Scotland 
quher Generall Midltoun wes in armes, and quhen all got then 
capitulationes, his was hardly obtained but by much mediatione. 
Also Mr. Grangers wyfe wes not without much hazard in con- 
veying them throw many of the English betuixt Donnotter 
and her own house. 

6. Where he averres that my Lord Marshall, with good will 
and favour, hath given him a recept off purpose to witness 
that they have been in his custodie ever since they were first 
put into Donnotter, and also to testifie that he hath now 
received them compleetlie from him. 

Answer : It is evidentlie cleer that my Lord Marshall being 
fullie assured (and it being the thing that Barres in his forsaid 
assertiones dare not deny) that from the day these honours 
were caryed out of Donnotter untill the 8 of the last October, 
quhich day they were delivered to my Lord Marshall, they 
were constantlie in Mr. Grangers particular custodie, and 
likwayes the major part of them being personally delivered 
by Mr. Granger, that part quhich Barres delivered being 
cuninglie wrested and perjuredlie retained for about 8 days 
from the man that had preserved it with the rest to that day, 
I say therfore it is cleer that recept hath not been givene of 
purpose to testifie they had been alwayes in George Ogilvies 
keeping, or that they were received intyrelie from him, but the 
reasones moveing my Lord Marshall to grant that recept, and 
quhich these who were solicitours for Barras to that effect, 
have pressed in upon him ar : 

1. Because they were in Donnotter quhen Barres wes put 

into it. 

2. Because Barres wes charged with them by my Lords 


3. Because he presumed haveing the scepter, to reteine it 

till he got some acknowledgment by way of recept, 
41y. Because William Ogilvies petitione wes answered with a 
commaund to deliver them, and take a recept theron. 


which they have interpret to my Lord Marshall as a 
commaund on him to give one. 
That they were in Donnotter when Barres was put in, 
That he had ane immediat charge from my Ladie 

Marshall to secure them by putting them out of 

the houss, 
That afterwards he did once or twyce visit them, and 

helped Mr. Granger to shift them from one place 

to another, 
That he and his wyfe were prissoneres in Aberdean 

and Donnotter till they produced Mr. Johne Keiths 

Is all true, and all that he can truly alledge. 
But all the forsaid assertiones, or that he had power 

to remove them from Mr. Grangers without my 

Ladie Marshalls warrand is arroo-ant untrueths. 


Kinnef, the 12 o/ November [1660]. 
Madame, — I could not of duetie [omit] to write to your 
Ladyship a . . . Barras is now assaying high things namelie 
to [a]prove . . . hes written to his Majestic anent the honoures. 
I do not write this , . .tion. But he told me it out of his 
oune mouth. I shall not insist [upon] particulars, but for 
preventing of any inconvenience I will relate [it in] generall, 
for he thought to have draune me on to concurre in his plot, 
[as] he feared without me he should not get things rightly 
gone about. But I have now given up all medling with him 
in that kynd. His sonne is at London and he [hes] written 
to him that my Lord Ogilvie is gone with him to the Kings 
Majestic and hes declared that his father did preserve the 
honoures, and affirmed that notwithstanding all that your 
Ladyship had written to his Majestic that they were yet in his 
fathers handis, and hes good hopes, as he hath written to his 
father, of gryt things. And if the honoures be not yet de- 
lyvered that nather any Lord or Lady in the Kingdome should 


have them till he advertised them againe, evin albeit they had 
a commission from his Majestic. But since that was not now 
to be helped, he told me what course he should take for it, 
namely that he would show a tickquet of recept subscribed be 
my Lord Marshall that he had receaved the honoures from him. 
I enquired where had he that, and quhen had he gotten it, 
seeing I had delyv[ered] them, and he refused to give me a 
tickquet of recept. O, said he, I got [it the] night before the 
honoures were delyuered be my Lord Arbuthnot . . . truely 
I thought it very strange. Now I did not refuse to [concujrre 
w[ith him] till I had hard all, and then I told him I would 
not be deceaved [any] more with him. And your Ladyship 
remembers I did ever fear that he [would] easily wynd himselfe 
into my Lord Marshall his favour. Your Ladyship may 
m[ake the] best use heirof your Ladyship can, for Barras is 
very busie to post away letters to his sonne, for he told me he 
was presently going to Newgrange to dispatch his letters. In 
haist I continow, Madame, your Ladyships humbill servant in 
the best service, M. Jam. Grainger. 

Madam, — It is eneuph [to] improve him both [of] it . . . 
the honoures and at your . . . ion and . . . written the day 
befor . . . the nixt week. 

For the truely noble Lady, my Lady the Countesse of Marshall, 

[Docquet]. The Minister of KinuefFs Letter to the Countess of Marshall, 

12th November 1660. 
Edinburgh 26 August 17 . — Pi'esented by Alexander Troup^ writer^ and 

registrat per M^Kell, 


Our Soverane Lord ordains a letter to be past under the 
great seale of his antient kingdome of Scotla[nd] makeing 

^ i66o. 


mention that his Majestie takeing to his c[onsi]deration how 
necessar it is for the honor of the Crown the credit of his 
government and service, and for the good of his subjects that 
all those services that . . . unto be stable and entrusted to 
persons of known reputation, merit and honour, and his 
Majestie haveing perfect knowledge of the worth and loyal tie 
of John Keith, brother to the Earle Marischal, quhairof he hes 
given good testimonie at everie occasion dureing the late 
troubles, and of the great service he performed in the enteir 
preserveing of his Majesties Royal Honors, the Crown, Sword 
and Scepter frome the violence and possession of these rebells 
that these yeeres past had overrun and possessed thameselfe of 
his Majesties kingdome [of] Scotland, a service n[ever to] be 
forgotten by succeeding generations, and which doth so justlie 
intitull him to some honorable employment in his Majesties 
service: his Majestie hath therfore of his certane knowledge 
mad, constit[ut] and creat, and be thir presents maks, constitutts 
and creats the said John Keith Knight Marischal of the king- 
dom of Scotland, and gives and grants unto him dureing all 
the dayes of his lyftyme the place and office of Knight 
Marischall of Scotland ; with power to him to exerce and dis- 
charge the same, and to enjoy all the priviledges, benefits, 
dignities and others due and belonging therunto or which heir- 
after salbe fund to be proper and belonging unto the same. 
And in regard of his constant attendance at Parlaments and 
other occasions of his Majesties service, his Majestie hes given 
and granted and annexed and be the tenor heirof gives, grants, 
and annexeth unto the said office a yeerlie pension of 

for all the yeeres of his lyftyme, to be payed out 
of the reddiest of his Majesties rents, customes or casualities 
of his Exchecker at tuo termes of the yeere, the first termes 
payment being at Martmes nixto come : commanding heirby 
his Majesties Thesaurers, principal and depute, the ressavers 
of his Majesties rents, and all others whome it concerns, to 
make exact and punctuall payment of this pension accordingly. 
And ordains these presents to be a sufficient warrand to the 
Wryter to the great scale and to the keeper of the same to 
wryt and exped this grant and to append the great seal therto 
without passing any other register or scales. London. . . . 



May the 8th, 1662. 

MiDDLETOX, — You are not, I am sure, a straunger to the great 
services were done in Scotlande by my Lady Mareshalle att a 
time when few or none ahnost durst or would owne me, ther- 
fore I need not tell you how just a sense I have of them and how 
desirous I am of any occasion to e[ncourage her]. Being lately 
in[formed] that some differences [have arisen] betwixt her, and 
her sone in law, the Earle of Mare[shall] (if any such shall 
happen) I do particularly comand you to [see] that no [wr]onge 
be [d]one her, but that she may enjoy what justlie she has a 
pretinsion too, being a person that is very much in the care of 
your very affectionate frinde, Charles R. 

Fo7^ the Earle of Middleton. 


When King Charles the Second went to England with the 
Scottish armie, by his order the Crown, Scepter and Sword 
wer transported to the Castle of Dunnotter to be under the 
care of the Earl Marischall who was allowed a leivtenent and 
soom souldiours for the defence of the place. The Earl 
imployed Georg Ogilvie, his servant, who being bred and 
born under him, the said George father being porter in Dun- 
notter and never advanced to further degrees of service, yet his 
soon being educat with the Earl was mutch in his favour and 
gave him commission to be his leivtenent when the King went 

^ Middleton was Commander-in-Chief of the forces in Scotland, and Commis- 
sioner to the Parliaments of 1661 and 1662. The latter was opened by him on 
the 8th May, the date of this letter. The Earl Marischal referred to in this letter 
was George, eighth Earl, the second son of the Countess, who succeeded his 
brother in 166 1. 

2 This is a Memorial submitted to the Lord Advocate (Sir James Stewart of 
Coltness) preliminary to the proceedings before the Privy Council. The pro- 
ceedings were taken with the concurrence of the Lord Advocate. 


to England.^ In anno 1651 the Earl Marshall put the honours 
at Dunnotter in the best posture he could and lodged the 
Honors in a secret place in the Castle. But he being in com- 
mission with the Earles of Crafoord, Glencardin and others, 
mett at Eliot with meny of the Kings frinds there to consult 
about the affaires of the nation and government ; but he with 
others wer surprized and made prisoners by Collonell Alured. 
And finding that he was to be carried to London, sent privat 
orders to the Countess of Marishall, his mother, to take care 
of the Honors, And accordingly the countess, having receaved 
the key, shee went to the place wher the honors wer and delivred 
them to George Ogilvie, the leivtenent, to care for them. 
Altho the Committee of States had ordered the Lord Balcarres 
to receiv them out of Dunnotter, yet by the good conduct of 
Mr. Jhon Keith, now Earl of Kintore (when very younge) and 
George Ogilvies earnest desire, who was affrayd to deney the 
Committees order, did take upon him to refuse the giving them 
up to the said Lord Balcarres ; which fell out very happily, 
for if they had been given out they had been undoubtedly 
seased upon, the English being then master of all Scotland. 

Then the English, marching northward, the Countes fears 
anent the honors increased, and therfor shee ordered they 
should be privately caried off and ane accompt sent to hir 
wher they wer lodged. Soom few dayes therafter the minister 
of KinnefF is putt upon the contryvance, who manadged it very 
faithfully, his wyfe and hir maid having caried the Honours in 
a bundle off flax to hir own house, therafter lodged them in the 

^ This mention of Ogilvie and of his father's position in the castle is inaccurate 
and partisan, though the Privy Council seems to have accepted it as true. 
William Ogilvie of Lumgair (George Ogilvie's father) was the second and sur- 
viving son of John Ogilvie of Balnagarro and Chapelton, a cadet of the house of 
Innerquharity. He was a relative of Dame Margaret Ogilvie, second wife of 
George, fifth Earl Marischal, and came with her, when a boy, to the Mearns. 
He became a great favourite of the Earl Marischal, and was employed by him 
in important family affairs. His father having sold Balnagarro, and his elder 
brother having died, he, with the balance of the price of Balnagarro, obtained a 
wadset of the lands of Lumgair from the Earl Marischal. It is very unlikely 
that he ever occupied the menial position assigned to him here. {Barras Manu- 
script Papers, in the possession of the Rev. Samuel Ogilvy Baker ; Jervise's 
Land of the Lindsays, p. 403). 


church, and gav the Countess of Marischall a receipt bearing 
the places wher they wer lodged. 

The English therafter, having beseidged Dunn otter, was 
surrendred upon a very base capitulation as can be instructed,^ 
and the leivtenent was bound to deliver the Honors or giv a 
rational accompt of them. And accordingly when they wer 
required, George Ogilvie and his wyf asserted that they wer 
caried abroad by the now Earl of Kintore, then Mr. Jhon 
Keith, and delivred to the King in Paris, but George wanting 
documents, hie and his wyf wer detayned prisoners till the Earl 
sent a declaration from France, upon which they wer sett at 
liberty on baill. 

The Earl of Kintore having then acknowledgd under his 
hand the having of the Honors, and knowing the difficulties 
that might attend him if he should fall in the hands of his 
enemies he stayed abroad till Generall Midleton came over to 
Scotland, and therafter followed him over to Scotland. Hie 
endured a great many hardships, being taken in his landing in 
the Ely in Fyfe, but being in disguise as a young merchand lad, 
the English let him go. Therafter coming north he corres- 
ponded with the Marquise of Montros, who had married his 
cousin german, and having got some frinds with him went to 
the hills and joyned General Midleton and remayned still ther 
till they wer defeatt at Lochgarioch. And when ther was no 
further hopis left he fell upon a contryvance of getting a receipt 
from Generall Midleton, as if the Honors had been delivred 
to him at Paris by the Kings order. And then the Countess 
of Marshall by the mediation of frinds prevailed with Generall 
Monke to include him in the Marquis of Montroses capitula- 
tion. And being challenged by Collonell Cobbet, then gover- 
nour of Dundee, who was appointed by Monke to concert the 
artickles off capitulation with the Marquis of Montrose, the 
said Cobbet told the Earl of Kintore, then Mr. Jhon Keith, 

1 The articles of agreement for the surrender of the Castle are printed in 
Appendix ii. of the Bannatyne Club volume, p. 72. The adjective ' mean ' 
is scarcely applicable. Ogilvie and his garrison had permission to march out of 
the Castle ' with flying coUours, drom beateing, match lighted, the distance of 
one mile, theare to lay down theire armes, and to have passes to goe to theire 
own homes, and theare to live without molestation, provided they act nothing 
prejudiciall to the Commonwealth of England.' 


tliat he was ordered by Generall Monk to inquire of him if he 
did cary the Honors abroad, which he ouned, and upon pro- 
duction of Generall Midletons receipt hie was included in the 
capitulation with the Marquise, neither was ther ever any 
further enquiry made about them till the Kings restauration. 

Then the Countes of Marshall wrot to the King to receiv 
his Majesties commands about the Honors by a very kind 
letter from his Majestie, with thanks for hir good service ; 
was desired to deliver them to the Earl Marshall, and as a 
mark of his Majesties favour he not only made the Earl Lord 
Privy Seall, but gave also to Mr. Jhon Keith, now Earl of 
Kintore, the patent of Knight Marshall with ane considerable 
fee for the said office ; and therafter he was created Earle of 
Kintore, and both thes patents, amongst his other signall 
services, mentions the preservation of the Honors, and the 
Lord Lyon is appoynted to giv him the Croun, Scepter, and 
Sword, as ane addition to his coat of arms. 

Notwithstanding that the Honors wer thus preserved the 
way and manner abov mentioned, and that the King was 
sufficiently convinced theroff, and not only by his royall patents 
in favour of the Earle of Kintore, but by his privat letters to 
the Countess of Marishall acknowledged the same, yet the 
above said George Ogilvie, leivtennent, most impudently had 
the confidence to send up his soon to London, arrogating to 
himself the sole preservation of the Honors, and having adresed 
the Lord Ogilvy, afterwards Earl of Airly, did introduce him 
to his Majestie. Upon which the Countess of Marishall sent 
up a gentlman express, and wrote to the Earl off Midleton a 
true information of the wholl matter, which he very kindly 
represented to his Majestie, who refused to giv ear to any 
such suggestions. And so his pretensions being defeatt, ther 
was no mor of it. 

Neither would the Countess of Marishall and the now Earl 
of Kintore bee dissatisfied with what favour the King might 
have bestowed on him. Nay, the Countess of Marishall in a 
letter to his Majestie did recommend the said George Ogilvie 
to his care. For its not to be deneyed, but that he knew of 
the careying off the Honors out of Dunnotter Castle and was 
kept prisoner for soom tym, till the now Earl of Kintore, 


then Mr. Jhon Keiths declaration from France of his having 
caried them abroad was the cause of the said Georges 
liberation. But his impudent assuming the wholl concern of 
ther preservation to himself and therby giving the ly both to 
his Majesties patents and other clear documents, for instruct- 
ing the trueth of what is therin related. 

Its to be observed that ther being fourty yeirs past since the 
forsaid George Ogilvies pretensions wer frustrate, who lived a 
considerable tym after the restauration, calmly thowch dis- 
content, and that now this man, his soon, should so long after 
raise new dust, to the most ignominious reproach and disgrace 
(by his printed pamphlett) of the memory of the Countess of 
Marshall and now Earle of Kintore : its fitt therfor my Lord 
Advocatt advyse how far the Earle of Kintore may hav redress 
in this matter, and that Barras may be persued for printing, 
publishing, and dispersing of scandalous pamphlets, and that 
the Councill will inflict a severe censure by fining and im- 
prisoning his person, and burning of his . . . stell printes. 


from the portrait by Sir Godfrey Knellcr in the possession of the Earl of Mar and hellic 





Edited from the original us. at Alloa House, with a 

Biographical Introduction and Notes by 




Introduction, . . . . . .141 

Mar's Legacy to his Son, . . . .157 

Jewels, or The Legacy to Scotland, . . .194 

Letters from the Chevalier, .... 206 

Considerations and Proposals for Ireland on a Restora- 
tion, ....... 213 

A Scheme for restoring Scotland to its ancient 

Military Spirit, . . . . .215 

Memorial to the Duke of Orleans, . . . 223 

A Thought with regard to Scotland, . . .241 

Appendix, ....... 244 


The author of the Legacy here printed for the first time, John 
Erskine, eleventh Earl of Mar, and eighteenth Lord Erskine, 
was the eldest son of Charles, tenth Earl of Mar, and Lady 
Mary Maule, daughter to the Earl of Panmure. He was born 
at Alloa in the month of February 1675, and succeeded to the 
earldom in 1690, and at the same time to an estate 'extremely 
involved, but which by good management, he in great measure 

Charles, the tenth Earl, offers some claims to notice. He 
raised the regiment of foot soldiers known as Scots Fusiliers, 
and was a Privy Councillor to Charles ii. and to James vii. ; but 
disapproving the latter"'s harsh and unconstitutional measures 
in Scotland, he broke with the King and retired abroad. When, 
however, the Revolution of 1688 was ingloriously and un- 
happily set on foot he embraced the King's interest, and as a 
consequence of that step, was arrested in March 1689 and sent 
to prison, where he died not long after his incarceration. 

Of the eleventh EarPs mother. Lady Mary Maule, little that 
is authentic is known. It is said that she was crooked and 
squinted abominably ; but as this statement is based on the 
authority of the Master of Sinclair, it must be accepted if it 
be entertained at all, with prodigious reserve,'^ 

Charles, tenth Earl of Mar, was plagued with poverty, and 
during his lifetime the fortunes of the Erskines were at a very 
low ebb. ' Unswerving loyalty to the Royal cause,"' says Lord 

^ The same authority asserts that Mar also was crooked. If he was so it is 
somewhat curious that none of the portraits of him (of which there are four or five) 
preserved at Alloa contain any traces of his alleged deformity. 


Crawford in his book on the Earldom of Mar^ ' the hereditary 
characteristic of the Erskines, throughout the great Rebellion, 
was punished by fines and sequestrations up to the date of the 
Restoration ; and after that event, the debts contracted in the 
cause of Charles i. and Charles ii., necessitated the sale of estate 
after estate, including the Barony of Erskine, their original 
honour on the Clyde, till the possessions of the family were 
reduced to little more ^ than the Lordship of Alloa, an ancient 
Erskine dependence though dignified by the supreme rights of 
regality. The seal was set upon these misfortunes and their 
decadence by the accession of John, Earl of Mar, the great- 
great-grandson of the Earl, restored in 1565, to the Rebellion 
of 1715, of which he was in fact the leader and head/ 

Of Lord Mar's boyhood and youth little is known. He was 
educated, firstly, at Edinburgh, and secondly, at the University 
of Leyden in Holland. So soon as he had performed the 
' grand tour ' he attached himself to the powerful and in- 
fluential party of the Duke of Queensberry, when his public 
career may be said to have begun. He took the oaths and his 
seat September 8, 1698, and early next year was sworn of 
the Privy Council of King William and Queen Mary. The 
young Earl remained a devoted adherent of Lord Queensberry 
till the latter's fall, and that of the court party in 1704 when, 
finding himself idle, he joined the country party in opposing 
the tactics of the Squadrone, and thus gained for himself the 
hearty support and sympathy of the Tories, When, however, the 
Duke of Queensberry returned to power in 1705 Mar again 
became his adherent, and in consequence of his zeal and fidelity 
in that service, was made one of the Commissioners appointed 
to treat of the Scottish Act of Union, being afterwards 
honoured with the post of Keeper of the Signet in reward for 

^ This is an exaggeration. At the time I am writing of nearly the whole of the 
great district of Mar was in the hands of the Erskines. It left them for ever in 
1730, when in consequence of the appalling poverty of the family it was sold to 
the then Farquharson of Invercauld, and to one Lord Duff. 


the part which he took in recommending that important treaty 
to the consideration of his countrymen. From that time 
forward his influence both among the Scots nation and the 
English Ministers began to increase, and went on developing at 
a very rapid rate until he was made Secretary for Scotland in 
the reign of Queen Anne, when he may be said to have reached 
the zenith of his fame. 

In February 1707 he was chosen one of the Representative 
Peers of Scotland, an honour which was conferred on him again 
in 1708, 1710, and 1713, about which time also he was sworn 
of the Privy Council of Queen Anne. The important share he 
took in forcing the Union through the Scots Parliament did 
not, however, prevent him from speaking strongly in support 
of Earl Findlater's motion for the repeal of that treaty, which 
wa made in Parliament in 1713. This conduct Lord Mar is 
at some unnecessary pains to justify in the following Legacy. 

' The Earl of Mar,"" says Macky in his Secret Memoirs, speak- 
ing of the leader of the affair of 1715, ' is representative 
' of one of the ancientest and most noble families in Scotland, 
' hereditary guardians of kings and queens of that kingdom, 
' during their minority, and hereditary keepers of Stirling 
' Castle. This gentleman hath not made any greater figure 
' than being of the Privy Council both to King William and 
' this queen [Anne]. He is a very good manager in his private 
' affairs, which were in disorder when his father died, and is a 
' staunch countryman, fair complexioned, low stature, and 
' thirty years old.'' 

The somewhat sudden and unexpected death of Queen Anne 
in 1714 occasioned the downfall of the Tory party. Mar, in 
common with many of his political friends, endeavoured at 
first to make his peace with the new government. In order 
to that end he wrote a letter to the Elector of Hanover, whilst 
that prince was yet on the Continent, in which his (Mars) 
services to the Elector''s predecessors on the throne of ' His 
Majesty's ancestors' were eloquently set forth, and in which 


much apprehension was expressed lest the colour of the Earl's 
political convictions should be misrepresented to the future 
sovereign of Great Britain. He also, it is said, ' desired to 
* display his influence over the Highlanders, and for that pur- 
' pose procured a letter, subscribed by a number of the most 
' influential chiefs of the clans, addressed to himself as having 
' an estate and interest in the Highlands, conjuring him to 
' assure the government of their loyalty to His Sacred Majesty 
' King George, and to protect them and the heads of other 
' clans, who, from distance, could not attend at the signing of 
' the letter, against the misrepresentations to which they might 
' be exposed ; protesting that as they had been ready to follow 
' Lord Mar's directions in obeying Queen Anne, so they would 
' be equally forward to concur with him in faithfully serving 
' King George.' ^ 

The new adherents of the new Sovereign were, however, 
determined to follow the mistaken policy of securing the un- 
limited ascendency of their own party on the ruins of that of 
their opponents. Bolingbroke and his political friends were 
not long allowed to remain in suspense with respect to the 
nature of the sentiments entertained for them by their Whig 
enemies. They apprehended that they were to be pursued, 
hanged, drawn, quartered or outlawed without benefit of jury.- 
The well-meaning advances of Mar were coldly repulsed : he 
was commanded to deliver up the seals of his office, and curtly 
informed that his gracious Majesty King George had no further 
occasion for his services. 

It is not to be wondered at that Mar felt the rebuff" keenly, 
and that whilst smarting under the indignity of his dismissal, 
he should have allowed a burning desire for revenge to overrule 
the natural promptings of a somewhat cautious nature. The 
egregious folly of disobliging a man who could work so much 
mischief is perhaps the most patent, and certainly the most 

^ Scott's Tales of a Grandfather. 

2 See Lord Bolingbroke's letter to Sir William Wyndham, 


disgusting, feature of Mar's dismissal, as his own procrastinating 
conduct and complete inability to carry the point he had in view 
were those of his subsequent behaviour in the field. ' Although 
it might be true,' says Sir Walter Scott, who was by no means 
partial to Mar, ' that the address was made up with the 
' sanction of the Chevalier de St. George and his advisers, it 
' was not less the interest of George the i. to have received with 
' the usual civility, the expressions of homage and allegiance 
' which it contained. ... A monarch whose claim to obedience 
' is yet young, ought in policy to avoid an immediate quarrel 
' with any part of his subjects who are ready to profess allegiance 
' as such. ... It seems at least certain that in bluntly and in 
' a disparaging manner refusing an address expressing allegiance 
' and loyalty, and affronting the haughty courtier by whom it 
' was presented. King George exposed his government to the 
' desperate alternative of civil war and the melancholy expedient 
' of terminating it by bringing many noble victims to the 
' scaffold, which, during the reign of his predecessor, had never 
' been stained with bloodshed for political causes.' 

The Earl of Mar, repulsed in his advances to the new 
monarch, concluded, not unnaturally, from thence that, if not 
his ruin, at all events his permanent disgrace was absolutely 
determined on by the new king's political advisers. He with- 
drew accordingly from court, and soon afterwards set on foot 
the melancholy and disastrous insurrection with which his name 
is prominently associated in the history of our country. 

At the conclusion of that ill contested and worse managed 
affair. Mar accompanied the Prince to France, where he enjoyed 
His Royal Highness's favour for a number of years. During 
the time that he held the chief secretary's seals, the affairs of 
the Prince, his master, were conducted with considerable 
address, if we can believe the statement of Lockhart of Carn- 
wath (a most impartial, and in some respects even bitter, critic 
of Lord Mar) to that effect. His zeal and activity in the service 
of the unfortunate exile were apparently unbounded. Among 


other projects, more or less plausible, he formed one for engaging 
the brave and eccentric King of Sweden, Charles the xii., whose 
assistance he thought to purchase, by a present of oatmeal for his 
troops, in a plot to restore his master. Another of his schemes 
was that for bringing in the Duke of Argyle to the Prince"'s 
interests and service. This is said to have failed on account 
of Mar's jealousy of the former, but inasmuch as it was Mar 
himself who proposed it and endeavoured to carry it through, 
the assumption that he spoiled it is at least open to doubt. 
At all events, it is impossible to observe much of either 
jealousy or dislike in the friendly terms in which Lord Mar 
refers to the Duke in the following Legacy ; nor is it likely that 
he would have expressly commanded his son to seek him out 
and secure his protection if he had entertained sentiments of 
dislike or jealousy regarding him. 

It does not appear that Mar was much engaged in the affair 
of 1719, though it is certain that his advice and opinion were 
sought on it. The following extracts from a letter preserved 
in the Stuart Collection at Windsor, and printed in these pages, 
for the first time, may serve to substantiate this statement. 
' Sire,"* he says, writing from Rome to the Prince, under date 
February 4th, 1719, ' . . . I have often taken the libertie to 
' tel y*" Majesty that whenever it should please God to restore 
' you to y"" Dominions, that I had no designe or project of 
' haveing any eminent hand in business at that time. What I 
' have so much wisht for all my life will be accomplished, and 
' y"^ Majesty will be in no want of fitt people to serve you 
' in each of y' kingdoms, and who are much more capable of it 
' than I, and it will be far from giveing me any grudg to 
' see any you think fitt to be emploied in the most eminent 
' posts of y"^ three kingdoms. As for the seals I have the 
' honour to hold of y'' Majesty at this time, you may very 
* freely, without any apprehention of giveing me a mortifica- 
' tion, dispose of them as soon as you land in England, not 
' only those for that kingdome, but also for that of Scotland 


' and Irland. I never aim'd at being thought what is comonly 
' caird to Princes a ffavourit, but my ambition is to have the 
' honour, as it will be a pleasur, of being near y' person. You 
' have been pleased alreddy to give me a post w'=^ entitles me to 
' that, and if you think it fitt to add to it any emploiment 
' w'^'^ would make me to be of y*" cabin councill (as it is calFd 
' here) tho of ever so little business, that it may not be thought 
' that after serveing you abroad in place of a minister, that I 
' am quite turn'd off, I shall have all I aim at, and it would be 
' in that way I wou'd end my dayes w*^ pleasur. As for the 
' affairs of Scotland, I should have no pleasur in being im- 
' mediately emploied in them, but wherein I am capable to 
' give y' Majesty light or advice in them or in any of y^ affairs 
' in England by the little insight I have had of men and things 
' there, it could be done as well as if I were [here ?] and per- 
' haps w* more ease and advantage to y' Majesty. But if you 
' should find either that my advice was of no use or made 
• any uneasie, my not being consulted should be farr from 
' makeing me so.^ 

' ffor the present intended expedition, I am reddy to serve 
' y"^ Majesty in any way or capasity you please and that I am 
' capable of, but I would presume to beg it of y^ Majesty as 
' a favour that I may not be sent to Scotland, tho' I wou'd 
' not ask even that, did I not think that y*" affairs wou'd suffer 
' by it, but for all that can be done there as the expedition 
' is proposed, I humblie conceive that it can be done as well 
' as in the manner it was designed when you came into Italy 
' had it then gone on, as if I went. There ought an ex- 
' perienced officer of distinction be sent there, go who will, 
' and I heartily wish the same person may who was then 

^ This language is so contrary to the character with which it has pleased his 
biographers to blacken his reputation, that one marvels that Lord Mar should 
have dared to hold it. Mar is usually represented as having been a greedy, 
needy, self-seeking courtier. It is refreshing to find him using the language of 
moderation and even making some sort of dim religious effort to conform to the 
exalted moral standard of his critics. 


' design'd.^ And He to whom y"^ Majesty then gave the first 
' place, is still the fittest for it. My fellow traveler ^ will be 
' a good help there to him, and I doubt not but he will 
' behave himself w* that disinterested zeal he did upon the 
' last occasion. In that way I can answer that all my friends 
' will do all in their power as much as if I were there myself, 
' as I doubt not but every man wou''d who wishes y' Majesty well. 

* What I ask is to have the honour to attend y"" Majesty as a 
' Voluntier without any character or emploiment, and you shall 
' have all the service of me I am capable of as much as if I had 
' both and in that way, if y"" Majesty have a mind to it, I 
' should think it could make no man uneasie upon my account. 

' It was never my studdie to be rich, and I am now too old 
' to begin to think of it. Y"" Majesty has been pleased to lay 
' more honours on me alreddy than I deserve, and I can have 
' nothing further or wish for that way. You will have the 
' goodness, I hope, if my family by- its cariage deserves it, 
' to make it easie and in a way, in some measur, not to make 
' those honours ashamed of its bearing them, and, for myself, 
' I shall be very indifferent of opolencie. 

' God grant y"" Majesty a good and safe vooage and journie 
' and success in y"" project. May I be so luckie to arive in 
' time to attend you in y' expedition, but if unfortunately 
' I do not, let me beg of y"^ Majesty to leave directions for my 
' following of you directly, where ever you go. 

' As to other things, the Duke of Ormond, who has showed 
' himself so zealous in y"^ service is the fittest to advise you 
' and as he was the first who publickly embraced y"" Maj^ 
' service who were in any business at y"" sister's death, I 
' heartily wish he may have the honour and happiness to 
' finish the glorious work of y"" restoration for which y"" king- 
' doms wou'd be so much beholden to him and have reason to 
' love him better, if that can be, than they yet do. 

' I will not trouble y"^ Majesty w* any compliment, that 
^ Probably either Ormonde or Berwick. ^ The Duke of Perth. 


' being non of my talent, but may you be as hapie as I wish 
' you, and that wou'd be more, I am sure, than any who ever 
' satt upon V. thron have yet been, tho not more than you 
' deserve, as y"" people will think when they have the happi- 
' ness of knowing you.'' 

The affair of 1719^ ended as disastrously for the Jacobites 
as that of 1715, and Mar was soon again employed in concert- 
ing other measures in the interests of his exiled master. From 
the former year to that of 1724 he had, with but few inter- 
ruptions, the principal direction of the Prince's affairs, and 
though it would be an exaggeration to say that they flourished 
under his management, since nothing and nobody can be said 
ever to have done so that was in any way closely connected with 
that unfortunate personage, yet Mar conducted them well and, 
as far as ascertained, pleased his master as well as the majority 
of his party. In 1724, however, in consequence, there is strong 
reason to believe, of a plot between Atterbury and Colonel 
Hay,^ who was afterwards created Earl of Inverness by Prince 
James, Mar was deprived of office. In order that my readers 
may fully understand the secret motives underlying this step, 
it is necessary that I should here digress a little. 

In 1721 Bishop Atterbury had been compelled to leave 
England in consequence of a conspiracy against the Govern- 

^ An account of the Jacobite attempt of 171913 printed in vol. xix. of the 
publications of the Scottish History Society. 

^ Colonel Hay was at one time an officer in the Scots Guards, who 'got into 
the Chevalier's favour by means of the Earl of Mar.' He married a daughter of 
Lord Stormont, and the Chevalier becoming enamoured of her, ' it was not very 
long before the Lord and Lady Mar were driven from Court to make room for 
the new favourites.' On the disgrace of Mar 'the Colonel was made Prime 
Minister ; nobody could be introduced to an audience but by his means ; no 
counsel was put in execution till he had first approved it ; and, in short, he 
governed the Chevalier and the whole court in a most absolute manner.' These 
extracts are taken from a book entitled The Men of the Chevalier de St. George, 
on occasion of the Princess Sobieski's retiring into a Nunnery. Hay was publicly 
declared secretary 5th March 1725, though it is well known he had had the 
principal direction of affairs for some time prior to Mar's dismission from office. 
He was deprived of office, April 1727. For Hay's conduct to the Princess 
Sobieski see Lockhart's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 265. His parts, like his charac- 
ter, were contemptible. 


ment, in which the prelate was involved, though himself and his 
friends stoutly maintained the contrary. It would seem that 
from circumstances — the most notable and at the same time 
the most ludicrous being that of the little white dog, which the 
good bishop pretended to believe had been sent into England 
from France by Mar for the express purpose of betraying him 
to the government — I say that from certain circumstances which 
transpired at the trial, Atterbury got a fixed notion into his 
head that Mar and the British Government had together and 
in concert conspired his banishment. This ' fire-brand of a 
Bishope,' as Mar calls him in the following Memorial and 
Legacy, accordingly left England under the impression that 
Mar, in addition to being his personal enemy, Avas a traitor to 
his party, in which highly explosive frame of mind he entered 
France, and would appear at once to have begun to endeavour 
to bring others to share with him the same charitable opinion. 
What real grounds, however, Atterbury had for believing 
that Mar had betrayed him to the Government it is impossible 
to say, nor is he able to divulge them in his private corre- 
spondence, which has been printed. All we can say, however, in 
favour of Atterbury's assertion, is, that the proceedings which 
led to the trial and conviction of the Bishop, as well as those 
that followed after it, are involved in so much mystery that it 
would be indiscreet to affirm positively at this distance of time, 
that he was altogether destitute of grounds for his charges. 
What, on the other hand, militates most strongly against the 
Bishop's assumption is the fact that he was convicted of the 
crime with which he was charged on the slenderest evidence. 
The trial, in fact, was a miserable farce, an outrage upon 
justice ; but so determined were the Government to secure a 
conviction that they stopped at nothing in order to make the 
Bishop to appear guilty. Now it would seem to stand to 
reason that if, as Atterbury asserted. Mar hatched a plot with 
the British Government to betray the Bishop to them and 
received money and promises of pardon for his share in it, 


the former would have taken very good care not to part with 
either their money or promises without receiving adequate value 
for both. In other words, it is improbable that the Govern- 
ment would have made so loose a compact with Mar for the 
betrayal of Atterbury as enabled the Bishop successfully to 
masquerade as irreproachably innocent at the trial, and even for 
many years afterwards, successfully to maintain all the appear- 
ances of a state of pious and impregnable guiltlessness. 

Apart from the affair of the little white dog, to which 
reference has been made above, the circumstance on which the 
Bishop laid the greatest stress in preferring his charges of 
treachery against Mar was the intercepting by Government of 
letters addressed by Mar to the Bishop. This, however, is 
surely very inadequate ground on which to base reckless and 
wholesale charges of treachery, inasmuch as the intercepting 
of Jacobite letters by Government was an event of daily, if not 
hourly, occurrence. In a book entitled Memoirs of the Life^ 
Family, and Character of John, late Earl of Stair, we are told 
how in 1715, ' by Lord Mar's intercepted letters which Pringle 
will send you,' it was said to be plain that Lord Mar ' expected 
the Pretender in Scotland,' yet no charge of treachery, so far 
as the writer is aware, was laid at Mar's door on that occasion 
in consequence of what was undoubtedly a common Jacobite 

To take up, however, the thread of my narrative at the 
point at which it was dropped in order to make the above 
necessary digression, some time previous to his dismissal from 
office, but at a period not specified in the Legacy itself. Mar 
presented to the Prince a scheme consisting, to use his own 
language, of 'considerations and proposalls for the several! 
' parts of the constitution and Government of Scotland upon a 
' Restoration.' This scheme or 'Legacy' the Prince ' was pleased 
some time thereafter ' to indorse in a series of letters addressed 
by him to Mar from Rome. In the month of September 1723, 
Mar, who was at that time in Paris, writes to the Prince, who 


was then at Rome, saying that he is 'about a thing' which he 
hopes will be the best service he ever did for his master. 
This ' thing "" which Mar was engaged upon, and which he says 
in his letter to the Prince he mentioned either to His Royal 
Highness or to Mr. Hay, was the celebrated ' Memorial to the 
Regent Orleans.' The history of this Memorial is a curious 
one. The latter was composed by Mar himself, and sent to the 
Regent without either the privity or permission of Prince 
James. The Regent, according to Mar, received it favourably, 
and from what is known of the former's real sentiments towards 
this country, there is no reason to doubt his liaving done so. 
Mar, flattered probably by the reception accorded to his 
Memorial by the Regent of France, sent it forthwith to the 
Prince his master, who, as Mar was high in his favour at the 
time, probably approved it also. At all events there is 
absolutely no evidence to show that he did not indorse it; 
and as the Memorial was presented in 1723, and as Mar was 
not deprived of office till the year 1725 it would be interesting 
to know what opinion the Prince held with regard to it (if he 
did not approve it) in the interval between those two dates. 
Unfortunately, however, for Mar, the Prince, if ever he 
approved the Memorial, which, as I have said before, there is 
every reason to believe he did, never expressed his approval in 
writing, so that when in 1725 Mar was dismissed from office, 
James was able to announce to the world with a clear con- 
science, that the secretary had been displaced on account of 
its treasonable nature.^ The insufficiency, however, of this 

1 If the causes of Mar's dismissal constituted such clear and unmistakable 
evidences of his guilt it is curious that the Prince should have been at so much 
pains to hush up that affair. In a letter addressed to Lockhart he expressly 
commands his ' trustee ' not to concern himself with the subject of Mar's dis- 
missal. The less said about that affair the better, says the Prince in effect. 
But if Mar's guilt w^as so clear, what harm could have come to the Prince's 
affairs by the particulars of it coming to light? It is impossible to resist the 
reflection on these matters that the Prince was further concerned to keep the 
affair secret and his own part in it also than he was desirous should appear. 


excuse as a ground for Mar's disgrace is plainly revealed by a 
reference to the Memorial itself, which, though it no doubt 
exceeded in some measure the principle laid down in the 
Legacy, approved by the Prince, yet to all practical intents and 
purposes was precisely the same thing. Mar was denounced as 
a traitor by Hay and Atterbury because he wished to induce 
the Prince to consent to an arrangement by which a certain 
number of Scottish troops should be constantly entertained in 
the service of the French king, and a certain number of French 
troops in that of the Scottish king, for the purpose of over- 
awing England ; yet if we turn to the letters of James 
addressed to Mar and printed in this book, we find that James 
readily consented to allow a certain number of Scots troops to 
be constantly entertained in the service of the French king, in 
the event of his restoration ; and though jVIar's proposal at the 
time did not embrace the larger proposition mentioned above, 
namely that the French king should return the compliment, as 
it were, and send French troops into Scotland for the purpose 
of augmenting the Scottish king's forces, yet if James approved 
the one proposition it is difficult to understand what reasonable 
objections he could have had to indorsing the other. His own 
words on the subject could not be plainer. ' In consequence 
' of my letter to you of the first of Janry.' says the Prince, ' I 
' think it would be for the honour and interest of Scotland that 
' I should make an agreement with the King of ifrance after my 
'restoration, for his entertaining a certain number of Scots 
' troops in his service, w''^ I am perswaded the Pari, will 
* approve of.' It is impossible to mistake either the meaning or 
significance of these words, considered, as they must and should 
be, in conjunction with the so called 'treasonable'' parts of 
the Memorial. 

There is no doubt in my mind that Mar''s removal from 
office was due to a conspiracy of which Hay and Atterbury 
were the ringleaders. The former was intensely jealous of 
Mar s ascendency at the Jacobite Court : the latter, as we have 


already seen, was the secretary's bitter enemy. The proba- 
bility is that, as Mar himself states, Hay communicated either 
the gist or a copy of the Memorial itself to Atterbury, who, 
in order to revenge himself on Mar and to bring about the 
secretary's downfall, published the document, and caused its 
dissemination in Jacobite circles.^ This skilful move had 
precisely the effect the wily prelate imagined it would have. 
It raised a storm of indignation in England against Mar, who 
immediately became odious to the English Jacobites, and in a 
short time occasioned his dismissal from office ; for James, 
whatever may have been his real sentiments on the subject of 
the Memorial, had sense enough to perceive that by retaining 
in his service a minister who had rendered himself highly 
obnoxious to his English supporters he would be doing his 
party and interests an irremediable injury. Mar retired to Paris 
after his dismissal from office, where he remained till the year 
1729, when he went to Aix-la-Chapelle to drink the waters for 
the benefit of his health, which now began to show unmistakable 
symptoms of an early dissolution. During his latter years he 
was, to his credit be it said, ' little trusted by the Jacobites "* ; 
and he would seem to have entered into some negotiations 
with the British Government for the purpose of procuring 
himself a pardon, which is not to be wondered at, considering 
the scurvy treatment he had received at the hands of the 
Jacobites and their sovereign. He died at Aix-la-Chapelle 
(1732) in the fifty-fourth year of his age ; and was succeeded in 
his attainted peerage by his only son Lord Erskine, the youth to 
whom the following ' Jewels ' and ' Legacie ' were bequeathed. 

Doubtless a few particulars concerning the appearance and 

^ There is no printed copy of the Memorial at the British Museum, nor, to the 
best of the writer's knowledge and belief, is there one at any other of our 
public libraries. The probability is that the Memorial was privately printed 
and circulated, and for that reason never came into the hands of the general 


history of the valuable and interesting little volume which 
contains the Legacy and Memorial above mentioned will not 
be considered out of place in this Introduction. The book is 
the property of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, to whom I am 
vastly obliged for permission to edit it for the Scottish 
History Society. The whole of the Manuscript has been given 
with the exception of a few pages, not amounting to half a dozen 
in all, which, as they relate to private family affairs, would be 
of no interest to the public. The Legacy is written in an 
admirable, clear hand, in an octavo volume, bound in pale 
olive-green leather. A couple of small silver clasps serve 
to keep the volume fast, when it is not in use. 

Considering the fact that the Memorial was published in 
London, and there circulated, though only in a private way 
doubtless, it is surprising that no copy of it is to be found at 
the British Museum or at any other of the ordinary sources of 
historical information. It may be, of course, that the writer is 
mistaken in his belief that no printed copy of the Memorial is 
in existence at the present time, but if this is so it cannot be 
laid to his charge that this conviction is the result either 
of indifference or idleness, for he has searched for one ' high 
and low,' and has found nothing to reward his pains. That 
the Memorial, however, or, at anyrate, the general scope and 
tendency of it, were known to some historians of an earlier 
period than the one we live in is rendered certain by the fact 
that allusions to it more or less vague and indefinite are to 
be found in one or two contemporary writings. Lockhart of 
Carnwath gives a short precis of it in his Memoirs, but it may 
well be that the allusions and criticisms of other contemporary 
as well as subsequent writers were based on that author's 
reflections. With regard to the Legacy, it is here printed 
in its entirety for the first time. Sir Walter Scott, how- 
ever, would seem to have perused it, or to have gathered 
some exact particulars concerning it either from hearsay or 
more certain means, since he makes a reference to it in his 


Tales of a Grandfather, wherein he takes occasion of the 
Rebellion of 1715 to remark that the leader of it was 
more successful in his schemes for improving the capital 
of Scotland than he was in those for the alteration of her 
government. By this he would surely seem either to have 
read the Legacy itself, or to have had imparted to him 
particulars concerning those parts of it which relate to the 
improvement of Edinburgh. When or in what manner these 
particulars were communicated to Sir Walter I am unable to 
say : they were apparently communicated to none other. 

A curious incident connected with the history of the Legacy 
is referred to by Philadelphia, Countess of Mar, in a note written 
on a fly-leaf of the book. 'This book,' the Countess writes, 
' was stolen out of the family at the death of John Thomas, 
' Earl of Mar, who died 28th September 1828. He was the 
' second Earl who had the title after the family was restored to 
' its ancient titles and dignities, anno 1824. This book was 
' accidentally recovered by Philadelphia, Countess of Mar, wife 
' of John Francis Mar, Earl of Mar, who gave a reward for the 
' recovery of it. Alloa, July 14th, 1834."' Who stole the book 
or in what manner it was recovered is not known. The mis- 
fortune of its theft, however, was in reality a blessing in 
disguise, for when Alloa House was burned to the ground at 
the beginning of this century the whole of the interesting and 
valuable collection of historical and family documents preserved 
in it are said to have been destroyed in the conflagration. 

S. E. 




CMllon, March 1726. 
My dear Tom, — Ever since you left us I have been here in the 
country, and much alone, where I had time for reflection, and 
you may be sure my thoughts have been the most taken up 
about you, now when you are to enter, as it were, on a stage 
the first time, and a troublesome one. The world and God 
only knows if ever I shall have the pleasure of seeing you again. 

It haveing pleased Providence so to dispose of things that I 
have nothing worth the while of makeing a Will or Testament 
for, I chose this way of biding you adieu, in case I should die 
without haveing an opportunity of doing it again, or by word 
of mouth, and if it should so please God, you will find amongst 
my papers here (all which I will order to be given you) a 
Narative of most of the incidents of my Life, all in my own 
hand, w^'^ I wrote at different times, partly to amuse myself 
and refresh my memorie, when I had little else to emploie me, 
and partly thinking it might come to be of some use to you, 
for whom it is only intended, and not for the publick. I still 
hope it may be so, and it was luckie for myself that I keept 
nots of some parts of my life, haveing naturally a bad memorie, 
since they served me in good stade o' late, when my reputation 
was so cruelly atacqued by my enimies. 

About four years ago when I had idle time enough at Paris, 
I wrote the first part of the narative from as far back as I could 
recolect to the change of the ministry about four years before 
Queen Anne's death. Upon my comeing from Scotland to 


ffrance an. 1715 I sent to our cousin Pittodrie^ at Aberdin, 
and to his Lady in his absence, two large wooden boxes or 
trunks pritty full of letters and other papers w'^^ had past 
dureing the time of my being then in that country. I know 
they were deliverd to him safe before the Armies came to 
Aberdin, and I doubt not of their haveing been well taken care 
of and safely preserved by him ever since, nor of their being 
deliverd to you when you shall come to call for them. You 
will find things in them not uncurious, and that may be of 
some use in after times, both with regard to persons and 

There is in one of them another part of the Narative, from 
the above change of the Ministry, to the Elections in Scotland 
after K. George's comeing first over, which I wrote in my idl 
hours in Braemar an. 1715 dureing the time I was preparing 
things for what happned soon therafter, and when I was 
waiting returns to the orders I had sent out through the 

When I went first to Avignon, and before I came to have 
much business to despatch there, I emploied the time I had 
[to ?] spair from attending the King in continueing the Nara- 
tive from the Elections to my setting up the King's standard 
in Braemar. 

ffrom the setting up the standard to the King's landing at 
Gravelen from Scotland, I keept a journall of the most 
materiall things that past where I was present. I wrote it 
every night before I went to bed (keeping some sheets of paper 
always in my pocket on purpose), but only in short notes for 
refreshing my memory when I should come to write the 
Journall full as it ought to be. The miscariage of that affair, 
w'^'^ once had so good an appearance for restoring our King and 
reliveing our country has made the thinking of those things 
ever since disagreeable to me, so that I have never been able 
to bring myself to enlarge that journall. 

The greatest part of the originall of these notes, you '11 find 
in one of these boxes in Pittodrie's hands, and the rest amongest 
my papers here, haveing been in my pocket on my leaving 

1 Erskine of Pittodrie. 


Scotland. There is also a fair copy in M"". Paterson's ^ hand- 
writeing of most of the journall wrote from what I had sent 
of it at different times to Lord Bolingbroke in ffrance, and from 
that part w'^^ I brought along w* me. 

You will likewise find amongest my papers here an account 
of the Expedition of that body of men I sent into Argyll- 
shire under the command of Generall Gordon, on w'^*' my 
undertakeing so much depended, wrote by M^ Campbell of 
Glendarull, who was an eye witness to it, and w* whom I had 
concerted and laid that project. 

I regrait much that I have never been able to procure from 
some of those present (tho' I have often endeavour''d it) a 
particular, full, and exact account of that body of men I sent 
over the ffbrth from ffife to join the noblemen and gentlemen 
of the South of Scotland and North of England then in armes 
for the King, and of their affair in the citadall of Leith and at 
Seaton house, their joining the gentlemen of the South, and 
their march into England until the unfortunat affair of 
Preston, the barbaritys w'^^ were comitted on our people after 
that shamefuU surender, and the crull treatment the prissoners 
met w*, who were caried to London, and those left behind in 
the county prisons. I cannot tho' imagin but some one or 
other of these gentlemen concerned and who suffred so severely 
in that expedition but got off at last has wrote a particular 
account of it all, w"^^ you may perhaps still chance to come by, 
and you should be at pains to do so, the want of w*^'^ makeing 
a great blank in the accounts I leave you of the attempt then 
made, w'=^ never will in after times do dishonour to our country. 

There is amongest my papers too an account of those things 
in w<='^ I had any concern, from the King's leaveing of Gravelen 
to his going into Italy from Avignon an. 1716. At Geneva, 
where I was so long keept against my will ^ as 13 months and 
had so much idle time, I went on w* this Narative from the 

^ A prominent Jacobite; served as Secretary at War during the '15. He was a 
son of Sir Hugh Paterson of Bannockburn, and Lady Jean Erskine, daughter to 
Charles tenth Earl of Mar. His father also engaged in the '15, and was deprived 
of his estates. 

* Mar was arrested by the Genoese authorities at the instance of the British 
Government. He was at first confined to prison, but afterwards released on 


King's going to Italy to my being arrested at that town May 
1719, contrair to all right and justice. 

1 was some time absent from the King at his first going to 
Italy (he haveing been pleased to alow me to go into ifrance to 
meet Lady Mar ^) so that I had not the honour of attending 
him from the month of fFeb. that I left him at Montebello 
til the month of November therafter, when I joind him again 
at Urbino, so that I could not be so particular as to things 
w''^ past with his Maj. in my absence, and I intending only to 
write what I was an eye witness to, I should be excused for 
saying little or nothing of what happned to the King or his 
affairs in Spain, or while I was prisoner an. 1719, his Majesty 
not haveing been pleased to cary me along w* him, and I being 
prevented following him, as I twice endeavourd. I left at 
Rome two large wooden boxes or trunks seald up, in w*'^ were 
a great many letters and papers in relation to the King's 
affairs while I had the honour to serve him as Minister, of 
w''^ I sent the keys from Geneve, on the King's returning from 
Spain, to Lady Mar, then at Rome, to be given into his 
Maj.s own hands, w'^'^ she did, and the boxes were also deliverd 
to him ; they properly belonging to his Maj., and I haveing 
but a secondary right in them, I thought it my duety to have 
them put into his own hands, and at the same time I wrote to 
him, beging upon his own account, that he would be very 
cautious of alowing them to be lookt into, and never unless 
he was present himself.^ 

Since my last comeing into ffrance, an. 1720, I not haveing 
the sole and principal direction of the king's officers, as when I 
had the honour to comand for him in Scotland, or most of the 
time I was about his person on this sid the sea, and conse- 
quently not being master of the papers that past concerning 
them, I could not well continue the Narative farther, but you 
will see a good deal into those affairs, and the part I acted in 
them, or otherways, at that time, by the letters and other 
papers that past betwixt the King and me and some others, 

^ The second Lady Mar, daughter to the Duke of Kingston. His first wife 
died in 1705. 

2 The letters and documents here mentioned are probably among the Stuart 
Papers at Windsor. 


w*''^ you "'11 find amongest my papers ; where you will also find 
some things wrote by me concerning the unjust accusations of 
that firebrand of a Bishope,^ since he was sent to fFrance for 
the destruction of the king's affairs. 

I was to have got from my dear friend, Gene' Dillon ^ (who 
had the chefe direction of the king's affairis on this side the 
Alpes dureing that time, and til a little after the Bishope of 
Rochester's comeing into fFrance), copies of severall papers to 
w'^*^ these letters to and from me relate, for makeing my collec- 
tion the more compleat, so you may know where to be supply'd 
w* such of them as you shall find wanting amongest my papers : 
you can also have from L'' Garlies ^ severall curious papers in 
relation to the unfortunat falling out betwixt the king and 
queen, etc. 

All these papers as above being chifly designed for your 
own privat use, and to enable you upon occasion to clear up to 
the world some facts, w'^^ may come to be necessary to be sett 
in a true light, you ought to be very carefull of them, and to 
be very sure of the people to whom you show or comunicat 
them. I have in all my accounts keept closs and religiously 
to the truth so farr as I could remember, being indifferent of 
the stile, and they being only designed for you, on whose 
descretion tho young I depend, I have been more open and 
free than perhaps was fit, had they been designed for the 
publick. I wrote the Narative always in heast, and scarce 
toke the time to read it over again, so it may not be very 
corect, and there may be some things in it too trifeling, and 
not fitt for such a paper, espetially about the time of my 
begining the world. I designed to have revised it, and writ it 
over corect, but laziness or some one thing or other always 
diverted me. If you think it worth the while, you may get 
our friend Mr. Ramsay, or such an one in his absence who you 
can trust, to put these papers in better dress, and to leave out 
what seems trifleing, I haveing only mentioned them to assist 
my memory in the threed of things w^^ happned to me in my 

^ Atterbury. 

- An Irishman and an officer in the French King's service. He was a brave 
and good man, respected by everybody. 
^ Afterwards sixth Earl of Galloway. 



younger days, so long before my putting them in writeing. 
I name Mr. Ramsay, because of the trust I have in him, 
founded on the experience of his uprightness and honesty, 
as well as his capacity for such a thing, and I beleve the 
friendshipe that has been between him and me, and also 
his friendshipe for y' self, would make him not to grudge 
bestowing some time on a thing in w'=^ I am so much 

I left a great many letters and copies of some papers dure- 
ing my being in public business before comeing abroad in my 
cabinets at London, w'^^ I suppose are still in being and safe, 
y' adding such of them as are worth while to what is mentioned 
above will make the colection more compleat. 


To be of some use to my native country, and to be assisting 
to the relise of it from the low and declining condition in w''^ 
I found it was, has been my great passion, and much at my 
heart, ever almost since I can remember anything ; and how- 
ever I may have been mistaken in my notions, a view towards 
that has always been the rule of my actions w* regard to the 
publick. This shows how necessary it is to instill right notions 
and principales early into people, the mind beginning sooner 
to notice things, and to forme notions, than people are com- 
monly aware of, and these notions formed when young are not 
easily effaced. 

It was not without that view I entered into King Williams's 
service a few years before his death, nor into Queen Anne's on 
her accession to the crown, I being then at London ; in which 
I continued the whole course of her reigne, and received many 
marks of her bounty and goodness. It was w* a view to that 
also that I was so forward for the Union of Scotland with 
England, which not being done at the Revolution, by the 
overheasty offering the crown of Scotland to King William 
and Queen Mary, was so much regrated by many sensible Scots 


people and well-wishers to their country at that time ; tho I 
have often repented my part in that since. It was, I then 
conceived, the only practicable way, as things stood, for the 
relise of our country ; and for the like reason, when I found 
that we continued notwithstanding of the Union to be ill 
treated, and conditions not keept or explained away, I became 
as much for haveing the Union broke as ever I had been 
earnest for its haveing been made. I was not the only man 
so who had been for it. My friend the Duke of Queensberry 
wisht as much as anybody, and had Lord Stair been alive (the 
great projector of the Union), I am sure he had been so too. 
I found the breaking of it impossible without an entire revolu- 
tion, by restoring our natural king, to who's family I had 
always a heart likeing, and was sorry for the misfortouns 
happened to it, as was very natural for one come of the family 
I am, my predecessors haveing been so long faithful servants 
to it. This made me to enter into a correspondence with the 
king about the time of the change of ministry,^ the last years 
of Queen Anne, on his first writeing to me, being encouraged 
by some of his friends to beleve I had a warme side to his 
interest. But I would never engage to be concerned in any 
undertaking for his restoration til it should please God to 
remove his sister Queen Anne, til w'^^ time I told him it was 
his interest to have patience, as I realie believed and under- 
stood it to be. I thought I had reason to belive that 
the Queen and her then ministers had a mind that her 
brother should succeed her in the crown, there being no 
sense, as appeared to me, in the part they acted, unless on 
that bottome, though it was not to be owned. But it was 
to very few of them I opened my mind freely on this subject. 

On the Queen's death, I entered into measurs w* those of 
England who favoured the Jacobit interest, and also some 
of Scotland, with both whom I had spoke a little on that foot 
before, and after concerting measures w* the King's friends at 
London. On my return from the elections for King George's 
first Parliament, I went for Scotland by the King's express and 
repeated orders, which he sent me by different messengers from 
Lorain at sundry times, as you '11 see more particularly by the 

^ 1710. 


narrative.^ In Scotland I followed the Instructions I had 
received, and acted for that interest to the best of my under- 
standings, and without any reserve or interested view ; but it 
did not please God to give us the success we had reason to expect 
from so hopeful beginnings, so that the King obliged me to 
come abroad with him, where my chief studdy has been to find 
out ways and means for the relise of my country when an 
opportunity should again offer for restoring our King, so that 
Scotland might, on that event, be restored at the same time 
to the strenth, reputation, figure and independancy it had 
before the union of the two crowns in the person of James the 
l^t and 6'\ 

The misfortouns of our country, since our king came to 
succeed (unfortunately for poor Scotland) to the crown of 
England, have proceeded from the kings always haveing been 
constrained by the superiour power of England, where they 
recided, to neglect the true interest of his ancient kingdome, 
when they came to clash any way, tho but seemingly, with 
those of England and even of Ireland, The chife ministers 
being alwayes English men advised accordingly, ther govern- 
ing the Scots as well as the others. The Scots Ministers were 
only [always ?] subserviant to those of England, save in the 

^ ' It is positively asserted by Berwick that the P. [Prince], without any inti- 
mation either to himself or Bol. [Bolingbroke], had sent orders to Mar to begin 
the insurrection in Scotland without further delay. [See Marshal Benvick^s 
Memoirs.'] The veracity and the means of information of Berwick are equally 
unquestionable, yet it seems difficult to credit such an extremity of falsehood and 
folly in James. There are several circumstances to disprove, there are none to 
confirm it ; and on the whole I suspect that Berwick must have been misled by 
an excuse which Mar afterwards invented for his own rashness. James himself, 
writing to Bolingbroke on the 23rd of September, expresses an anxious desire that 
his Scotch friends will at least wait for his answer, if they cannot, as he hopes, 
stay so long as to expect a concert with England. [James to Bolingbroke, 
Sept. 23d. 1715, Appendix to Lord Mahon's Hist. England.] Is it not beyond 
belief that he should already, several weeks before, have given positive orders 
to the opposite effect ; that he should have issued such momentous directions at 
a moment so unfavourable, and concealed them from his best friends and most 
able advisers?' — Lord Mahon's Hist. Eiigland, vol. i. pp. 211, 212. It would 
certainly appear, however, from the Narrative of Lord Mar, that the Prince 
acted in the manner which Lord Mahon regards as improbable. Mar, whatever 
ill construction it may please historians to place on his public conduct, had neither 
occasion nor interest to lie to his son. 


time of the Duke of Lauderdale's Ministry, when Scots men's 
dependance was on him ; but his power was more for being 
a Minister of England than for Scotland, and unless when it 
was for serveing his own ends, he minded the interests of his 
own country but little more than an English Minister would 
have done. 

To find out a remidie for this evile on the event above, was 
my studdy and chief concern. Scotland's being restored to the 
same state it was in King Charles Snd's time, and that of his 
brother King James w* is farthest almost of what the generality 
of the Jacobites aime at, would be no cure, and scarce worth 
the fighting or contesting for, unless at the same time it were 
delivered or secured from being governed by English councils 
and councellors. I have never been one of those who were over 
fond of cramping and restraining the power of kings ; but in this 
case since our King is also king of England, he will be alwayes 
oblidg'd to make his principall residence there, and will never 
be able to help his being oblidg^d to succumb to English 
councils w* respect to Scotland as well as to the other parts of 
his dominions, until he make such concessions for that country 
as will put things there in a manner out of his own power and 
seemingly into the hands of a Scots Parliament, so that it 
should be necessary for the subjects of that kingdome to come 
to his favour and preferment by the intercession and recom- 
mendation of that Pari, which would keep them at home in 
place of running to London for procuring that of English 

These considerations were the occasion of my forming and 
laying before the king some years ago a project or sheme with 
regard to Scotland for the king''s giveing concessions to the 
subjects of that country then in the time of his being abroad 
and not under the power and influence of the English (which 
would not be so were it delayed til he were restored and on 
his throne). 

The king came into this scheme and was graciously pleased 
thereupon to grant such concessions for our country as I pro- 
posed, by way of Instructions to me as Lord Comissioner of 
his first Parliament of Scotland, upon a view there then was 
of an undertakeing for his restoration at that time ; together 


with a most gracious letter relating to the whole plan or 
scheme. Some time thereafter upon the occasion of such another 
designed attempt, his Maj. was pleased to grant and send me 
farther Instructions to the same purpose on the representations 
I made him. 

How these papers came since to be taken out of my hands 
after the Bish. of Rochester's comeing to have the chief direc- 
tion of the King's affairs, and that Mr. Hay (now Lord Inver- 
ness) came to join w* him and act more like a prejudised 
Englishman than a Scots man, you already know, and will see 
a full account of amongst my papers.^ But before I deliverid 
up the instructions, which by his Maj. repeated directions and 
orders I was (tho' most unwillingly) necessitated to do, I toke 
copies of them which I had attested, and I pray heaven that 
you may have an opportunity of makeing them be one day of 
service to our country, as they were intended. 

There is the same reason for the king's makeing Ireland a 
free people and kingdome as Scotland, nor would there be any 
real hurt or prejudice to England by either. It would be 
greatly for the King's own interest and security, as well as of 
the Royal family, to make them both so, and independant of 
England and the councils of Englishmen. By so doing Eng- 
land would loose none of its priviledges, but unjustly oppress- 
ing its neighbour kingdomes, should that be reckoned one. It 
would be but justice in the king, tho those two countries had 
not appeared so zealous for his and his father's interest as they 
have done. 

It would even be the interest of these his kingdomes to sup- 
port the king, by their doing of w^*^ he would not be un- 
reasonable and soly in the power of the English, as his prede- 
cessors have been since they came to that crown, for w'^'^ they 
have dearly pay'd. It was to the Kings of England and not to 
the People or Parliament that Ireland submitted and they 
would be as much subjects to the king when out of the de- 
pendance of England as now, and have double the power to 
serve him. Beside Scotland, tho made entirely free, would 
scarce be able to keep itself so and independant, if Irland 
were not so too, by which it could assist them. 

Upon these considerations I made a short scheme, as I had 

^ All these papers were destroyed in the great fire at Alloa. 


made for Scotland, which is also amongst my papers. Could 
I have done it and sent it to the king at the time I sent that 
for Scotland, he would also, I have reason to believe, have 
entered into it. 

To effectuat this as to both, it was necessary that the king 
should act in concert with some fforeigne power or Prince, by 
whose assistance he might be the more easily restored. Ffrance 
was the power most proper for this, and I judged it was not 
impossible to make the late Duke of Orleans, who then 
governed that country of himself (Cardinal Dubois being dead) 
to see that the project was for his own and the ffrench interest, 
as well as for that of our King. I therefore fell to work and 
revised a Memoriall I had before prepaired upon this subject 
to have it laid before his Royal Highness. It was accordingly 
soon therafter presented to him by Mr. Dillon, with whom I 
had often talkt of the affair which he had as much at heart 
as I. The Duke of Orleans received it very graciously.^ He 
read before Mr. Dillon the letter I wrote along with the 
Memoriall, in which I told him that what I did in that was 
unknown to the king my master ; but should his R. H. 
realish the project I doubted not but his Maj. might be 
induced to send powers for treating on it with him. This 
I did in case the project should by any chance come to 
the English knowledge before the time of its being put in 
execution, so that they could charge nothing of it on the 
king, should any of them by a mistaken notion take it in ill 

^ This, as I have said before, is highly probable. There is every reason to 
believe that at one time the Regent was very favourably inclined to the Jacobite 
interest. ' The Regent had undertaken to set the Chevalier upon the throne, 
in expectation that upon the success of that attempt, the kingdom of Ireland was 
to have been made a settlement for his family.' — Memoirs of the Life, Family, 
and Character of John late Earl of Stair. ' Upon the whole the more one 
thinks of it the more one is amazed at the folly and wickedness of his [the 
Prince's] abettors here, and I may add at the weakness of the Regent who can 
be diverted by the frenzy of their madness from pursuing his own true interest.' 
— Secretary Stanhope to Lord Stair. — Ibid. p. 284. For additional evidence 
see a despatch from Stanhope to Lord Stair, dated March 1716. — Ibid. A^^. 
vol. i. p. 395. In November 1715 the Earl of Stair again found it necessary to 
' memorialise the Regent in very decided terms on the support of the mainte- 
nance of the public faith of France as engaged by the articles of the Treaty of 
Utrecht.' — Ibid. p. 296. 


part. But although the king was not realie privie to the 
Memoriall itself, yet what by the instructions he had sent me for 
passing such laws in Scotland upon what I had represented to 
him for the interest of that country and what he and Mr. Hay 
had wrote to me in answer to my letters, in which I had spoke 
of the point of Irland in generall, I thought myself enough 
authorized to make this first step, since this project was the 
only way [that ?] appear^ w* could bring the Duke of 
Orleans to quite his conjunction with King George, and [draw 
him ?] into the king's interest ; and that it was upon his Majs, 
own account I did it without previously acquainting him, but 
was to do it as soon as it was presented. 

His R. H., on reading my letter, desired Mr. Dillon to 
make me his compliments, to assure me he would read the 
Memoriall with attention by himself, and recomended its being 
keept very secret. Mr. Dillon did not see him after for some 
days, and when he did it was but at his levee one day at 
Paris, where he said to Mr. Dillon in a gay, pleased way that 
he suposed he should soon see him at Versailes ; but his 
sudden death a few days thereafter prevented Mr. Dillon's 
doing so. It is to be presumed by the way his R. H. received 
the letter and Memoriall, and spoke afterwards to Mr. Dillon, 
and its being found on his death in his own escritore, and 
addrest with his own hand for M. le Due, that it was not 
disagreeable to him, and that he thought it of weight. What 
shows his approveing of it still more, was his alowing of the 
Duke of Ormond's comeing into Ffrance from Spain and 
ordering the expeding of your comission ^ immediately after 
his getting the Memoriall, both which had met with interup- 
tions and lyen over for some time before. 

As soon as the Memoriall was presented, I thought I could 
no longer dispense myself with acquainting the king with the 
whole, which I immediately did, and sent him a copie of the 
Memoriall itself and of my letter to the Duke of Orleans, but 
his Majs. was never pleased to write to me anything upon it 
since his receiveing the pacquet. 

Mr. Hay was on his way to Ffrance from Italy at that time, 

Lord Erskine's commission as an ofEcer in the French service. 


but as soon as he returned to Rome he sent a copie of the 
Memoriall to the Bishp. of Rochester at Paris, who spoke of it 
and exclaimd against it to as many as he saw. How Mr. Hay 
can excuse to his country his betrying a secret so much for its 
interest, to the man of all England the most prejudicd against 
Scotland, I leave to him to find out ; but I am afraid by that 
action alone,' without mentioning many others, has done farr 
greater hurt to his king and country than ever it will be pos- 
sible for him or all his kindred to do them service, were they 
ever so much inclined to it. I forgive him for the unworthie 
part he has acted towards me ; but I know not if the strictest 
rules of Christianity require our pardoning such enormous faults 
and prejudices to our king and opprest country. One thing I 
will venture to say upon this scheme and memoriall, that if 
ever Ffrance be induced to embrace our king''s interest and 
endeavour his restoration, it will be upon this foot, and I shall 
ever be proud of haveing been the author and proposer of it, 
which I judge to be the best service I could do my king and 
country, and I am ambitious of no other inscription on my 
grave stone, to be remembered by posterity. You will find all 
these schemes and the copies of the Instructions by the king 
to me, my comission for being comissioner to the Pari, where 
they were designed to be past into laws, with the copie of the 
Memoriall to the Duke of Orleans and my letter, as also of that 
I wrote to the king with the Memoriall, lying all togither in a 
little strong-box, with my papers here, and I have endorsed 
them (not improperly, I hope) Jewels for Scotland. 

I do not pretend that these schemes are perfect, but I hope 
the time will still come that there shall be a Scots Pari, acting 
on this bottome, which I doubt not will make the establish- 
ment and goverment of that country as much so as their situa- 
tion and circumstances will allow. The attested copies of the 
instructions to me will show what the king was once pleased to 
do in favours of that country ; and it gives our countrymen a 
good tittle for asking him, or those who succeed to his right, 
the granting such concessions again, which haveing been once 
granted already can scarce be refused. Before the Scots go 
about another attempt for the Restoration, and while the king 
is abroad is the fit time for insisting for those concessions (or 


of what they may think better of that kind) being agreed to 
in an authentick and irrevocable maner, which will be doing 
good service to their king and countrie at the same time. 

An establishment of this kind would make the Scots a free 
people and happier perhaps than they were even when under a 
seperat king of their own liveing amongst them, which could 
hardly fail were their neighbours of Ireland made free at the 
same time, and to be governed under the king by their own 
Pari, and a council of their own countrymen. As it would be 
much for the interest of the Royall ffamily these two countries 
being upon this footing, by its tying them to be ever a support 
to it for their own interest, so would it be their interests to sup- 
port one another, and in that way ffrance would find its interest 
in being ever a true allie to our king and to support his whole 
establishment. To see these happie days, and to have some 
share in bringing about these advantages to my native country 
and posterity, has been the only thing almost that gave me any 
desire for liveing for some years past ; But as things now 
unluckily stand I cannot flatter myself w* hopes of days enough 
to see the accomplishment of so glorious a work ; you are young 
tho and may perhaps come to have that satisfaction, and heavens 
grant that you may. Lovers of our country ought ever to have 
this in view in their own mind, but not to let zeal make them 
go rashly about it, a reasonable caution and waiting a fitt 
opportunity is absolutely necessary. Such it was I judg'd when 
I went about that work [the Rebellion, 1715] by the kings 
orders, and had his Maj. come in time and those of England 
ansuered their engagements, both which was so reasonable to 
be expected that I could not doubt of it, the success would have 
showen I was not mistaken. What happned upon that occasion 
is sufficient to show our countrymen that they are not to under- 
take it at another time without their being well assured of the 
English makeing an attempt in their country at the same time 
at least the Scots do in theirs, and of haveing assistance from 
abroad in some proportion to the force to be against them at 
home on the begining of the attempt, so that they might not 
be swalow'd up and crushed before they could gather numbers. 
Any harsh usage I have mett w* from whence it was least to be 
expected ought not to deterr any good countryman from so 


good a work, the greater share any have in it, the more will be 
their honour and the more worthie representatives will they be 
of their honest old ancestors, who often endeavoured in such 
ways to serve their country, and the honour of doing it is a 
reward of itself. The more they cover their designs of this kind 
til the fit time come for putting them in execution, the more 
likely will they be to succeed, and may God Almighty direct 
them aright, give them success in their endeavours, and therafter 
the plasur of enjoying the fruits of their labours. 

By the schemes above mentioned it appears how necessary it 
is for the Scots and Irish to be well togither. They are pro- 
bablie come from the same stock and ought to look on one 
another as brothers. A good understanding ought to be culti- 
vated betwixt them. They have long suffered oppression 
togither and from the same hands, so ought they to endeavour 
one another's relise and to be supporters of one another's 
libertys and freedome ; but without designeing or attempting 
to return or revenge the wrongs and hardships they have lyen 
so long under, which would be the surest way of preserving 
their recovered libertys. The king was pleased some years ago 
to give me a warrand for a patent of the Irish Peerage in 
consideration of one he had before given me of that of England 
being rendered of no use by the project I jhad laid before him 
and he came into for Scotland. Should you be so happie to 
see a restoration and things put on the footing of the project 
above, I would advise you to think of persuing your fortoun in 
Ireland rather than in England, it agreeing more with the 
interest of y"" own country, to w*^^ you ought always to have 
the first and principal regard, and it will be more easie for the 
king, on y'' deserveing well of him, to shew you his grace and 
favour there by grant or fotherways than in England. My 
friend Gen. Dillon, who is of that country, where he has a 
considerable interest, and knows my concern for it, will be 
ready, I am sure, to give you his advice and assistance in what 
relates to this (if he be alive in these days) as well as on other 
things, and you can not ask advice of a more worthie, sincer, 
honest man. If ever it come to be in y^ power to be servicable 
to him or any of his numerous family, the friendshipe I have 
met w* from him ought to make you exert y*" self to the utmost 


in doing of it, as I had not failed of doing had it been in mine 
power. In my schems you will see that the Highlanders are 
to bear a considerable part. They seem indeed to be the true 
remains of the old Scots, and notwithstanding of all the hard- 
ships they have mett with, are the people who can be of the 
greatest use for reliveing our country when an opportunity 
offers. I must for ever acknowledge the obligations I owe 
them, as you ought to do, for their ready joining me even 
before I could produce the king's comission, which shows 
their zeal to their king and country and the confidence they 
had in me, as also for their adhering so closely to me in all the 
difficulty s I met with at those times, a time of the greatest 
tryall. I hope I have not been ungratefull, haveing done all 
in my power to have them make the figur and lookt on as they 
deserved to be. There is one Highlander now gone, and the 
loss of him is a great one to me, as it is to his country. It is 
Mr. Campbell of Glendarull.^ He had the misfortoun to have 
many enimies when alive, occasioned by his haveing been un- 
luckily engaged when very young in that affair of Beaufort or 
L*^ Lovat's plot,^ but his youth and unexperience was some 
excuse for it, and he hurt nobody by the part he acted therin, 
tho it was in his power to have done so. L*^ Bredalbain first 
recomended him to me some time before Queen Anne's death, 
desireing I might try, know, and prove him well before I should 
continue in the bad opinion I had conceived w* others of him 
upon comon report. That he had done so and had found 
him an honest, active, and sensible man, who was thoroughly 
acquainted w* the different humours, intersts, and inclinations 
of his countrymen in the highlands, w* whom he could be of 
good use, and that he would answer for his being a sincere 
well wisher to an interest to w°^ he presumed and hoped I was 
no enimie, and that he therby shewd himself a true lover 
of his country. I knew L*^ Bredalbain to be a good judge 
of men and not easily imposed on, so I resolved to follow his 
advice as to this gentleman, forseeing I might have occa- 

^ A well-known Jacobite, Sinclair, in his Memoirs, styles him ' a very cunning 
fellow.' He would seem to have been much attached to Lord Mar, a circum- 
stance which, in Sinclair's eyes, was doubtless sufficient to blacken his character. 

* Lord Lovat's infamous outrage on the person of the mother of the Baroness of 
Lovat. The details of the plot are too well known to require repetition here. 


sion of such an ane, and I have been farr from haveing reason 
to repent doing so, and after tryall puting confidence in him, 
w*^^ therafter I did to his death. He was of great use to me in 
the Highlands by uniting those gentlemen and preparing things 
for the attempt I had in my head some years before it was put 
in execution for restoring our king and therby delivering our 
country from oppression, in w^^ when it came to be gone about 
he acted a very usefull and active part, and was of singular use 
to me in my laying measurs and schemes for that affair, as he 
was afterwards abroad in many things for the advantage of our 
country and particularly of the Highlands, as you will see by 
the many usefull papers he wrote on those affairs we had con- 
versed on, that are amongest my papers here, that were of great 
help to me in the things I was projecting for the advantage of 
my country. It was pitty he had not had better education and 
knowen more of letters, but he had an admirable good naturall 
understanding, and I always found him honest, faithfull, and 
closs. I have knowen him often do all in his power to serve those 
very people who he knew were doing all they could to asperse 
him and do him prejudice w* the king and me. Mr. Dillon is a 
witness as well as I of the usefullness he was of in the king's 
service since his comeing abroad, and his death was no small loss 
to the king, his cause, and our country, whatever he or others 
may think of him. Tho he be now gone, I thouglit I owd this 
small testimony to his memory, and if ever his papers come to 
be seen and considered by sensible people of our country, they 
will do him honour, and I wish it may fall in your way to be 
servicable to a daughter he has left behind him. 

Another who was of good use in our affair in Scotland was 
Mr. Paterson, who served as Secretary at warr there, and I 
were much to blame did I not here own and attest the good and 
disinterested part he acted of w^'^ the whole armie was witness. 
He has behaved himself since comeing abroad in the same way, 
and has suffred severely w*=^ he was farr from deserveing, and it 
was the greater grife to me that it was perhaps partly upon the 
account of his atachment and honesty to me, and that it was 
not in my power to do anything for him. I wish you may find 
an opportunity of makeing that up to him, and you cannot do 
for honester man. 


I must not here omitt good, honest, Col. Clepham,^ who so 
generously left the service of the present government, where he 
might have been very easie, and came to me in Scotland, where 
I was in great want of those who understands as he does the 
business of a souldier. He did very good service, and it was a 
misfortoun to our affairs that some times for humouring of 
some for whom I was oblidgd to have regard, I could not 
follow his advice, and particularly at Sherifmoor. I have great 
concern and esteem for him, and you cannot do better when 
you have an opportunity than to do all you can to be serviceable 
to him and his children, w''^^ 1 ow him and they have reason to 
expect from you on my account. 

1 have lost another friend and cousin of yours, to my great 
regrait, who was very servicable to me and the affairs I was 
about at that time, as he has also been during our being on this 
side the sea, Mr. Will. Erskine,^ brother to the Earle of Buchan. 
He was a very pretty fellow and deserved a much better fate 
than he had, but death has freed him of the uneasinesses he 
sufFred in this world, and tho his honesty and worth makes me 
not doubt of his being now happie in the next, I cannot but be 
afflicted for the loss the cause and I have of him, and I wish 
heartily that it may some time or other ly in y"^ power and in 
mine to show the true value I had for him by doing for the 
children he has left poor behind him. 

It is vt grife of heart I find myself now oblidg''d to mention 
here the king, but being but to you alone, my concern for my 
country in general, and you in particular, in a maner forces 
me. I heartily forgive all the unjust and unmerited treatment 
I have met with from him, and wish God may not lay it to his 
charge. Most of those who served him before me, haveing met 
with much the same measur, I have the less cause to complain. 
With all the respect to the regard due to him, I may say that 
he has been an unluckie man from his cradle, and is now 
following such courses that he is likely to be yet more unfor- 
tunat than ever providence seemed to designe he should. 

^ An Englishman, and mightily abused by Sinclair. He saw considerable 
service in the wars in the Low Countries. 

2 Captain William Erskine, deputy-governor of Blackness Castle. He married 
Margaret, daughter of Colonel John Erskine, deputy-governor of Stirling Castle. 


I pray God that he may soon become sensible of his mistakes, 
and amend his unaccountable conduct and strange ways, which 
if he do not, he is like eer long to leave himself but very few 
friends, to make the restoration of the royall family and of 
our country by it uterly impracticable during his being in this 
world at least, if not to extinguish the cause.^ And by his 
actings already it has but too much the appearance of his 
indifference, and little regard to anything of that kind. Some 
of his predecessors had the misfortoun to be led away by 
worthless favourites as he is, tho' non of them (not even 
K. J. 3rd of Scotland) to such a degree. There was some 
remedy always with them for that at home, but there is like to 
be non for it with him abroad, when he is blind to all that can 
be said to him by anybody but those who are to be complained 
of. God help him and honest men who have their dependance 
on him. When the right comes to be in his children, if they 
have mettle and good understanding, and that the situation of 
Europe then chance to be favourable, they may perhaps suc- 
ceed in recovering pocession of their right ; but their ffather's 
odd conduct may be so fresh in people's memories that it may 
be a heavie load upon them, and they run a great hazard, 
both by their education and another ffamilies being so long 
and well esteablished and fixt on the thron ; and at best at 
this time there can be no prospect of it for a good number of 
years. What is therefore to be done in the meantime ? Are 
those who are true lovers of their country to be idle 
spectators, and let it be pulFd to pieces, oppresst more and 
more every day, as it cannot fail of being the longer it goes 
on in the way it is, without endeavouring to prevent it ? Are 
people to let their families and poor remains of their fortouns 
(shipwrackt for the cause) go entirely to ruin and starve, for 
the king's being monopolized and governed by insignificant 
favourits when honest men, lovers of their country, are not 
suffered to do anything for its relise, and that of their sinking 
families upon the king's account, and only to feed themselves 
with the distant and uncertain hopes of an event which is 
more likely never to happen than that it will ? No, Sure, it is 

^ An allusion to the Prince's unfortunate quarrel with his consort. 


impossible the laws of God, of natur, or of man can require it 
of them. They must do the best way they can, conforme to 
the circumstances in which providence has placed them and 
things. Their country and ffamilies require the best service 
always they can do in one way, if there be no opportunity of 
doing it in another more agreeable to their own sentiments. 
And if it be design''d by him who disposes of kingdomes as 
seemeth good to him, that things should take another turn, he 
will make opportunitys for bringing it about so to offer and 
incline peoples hearts to lay hold of them, which honest men 
and lovers of their country will not fail of doing, and submit 
to his good will and pleasur in the meantime, and how he shall 
think fit to dispose of them therafter. 

You ow many obligations to Lady Mar, and tho she has not 
a way of making a show of her concern for anybody, she has 
been as much so about you, and realie kind as if she had born 
you. I doubt not of her continueing to be so when I am gone, 
and assisting you every way she can. 

Do not repine at^her, or y"^ sister's ^ provisions, tho they may 
seem too great for the esteat, as things have happned they 
were reasonable in the way I was at the makeing of them, 
and things would have answerd for the good of the ffamilie by 
that mariage had not unforseen accidents prevented, of w''^ non 
of the least was my being oblidgd to apply Lady Mar's 
fortoun or portion to the paying of my debts at London, on 
my leaveing it, and going to Scotland by the king's comands 
w'''* had not been just for me to have left unsatisfied, or a fond 
for doing it, nor had it been for the king's honour nor mine 
considering the bussiness I was going about. My being thus 
oblidgd to apply this money w°^ I had designed for clearing 
the remaining old debts on the esteat, was occasioned by my 
not being pay'd my appointments in Queen Anne's time, when 
I was one of the three principall secretarys of state for Great 
Britain, above six thousand pounds being still due, as it is 
likly ever to be. My being in the service, and in that station 
oblidg'd me to live at London, and in the maner I did, so that 
my contracting these debts there was unavoidable, and non of 

^ Lord Erskine's half-sister. She married James Erskine, son of Lord 
Grange, Lord Mar's brother. 


my fault, expecting (as I had reason to do) my appointments 
for the clearing of them, by all w* you may see that L^y Mar's 
money not being apply'd for clearing the esteat was more by 
misfortoun than anything else. 

That mariage has proved happie to me. It gave me a 
virtuous woman of very good sense, and admirable good equall 
temper, that I had long loved, and who has since been an 
agreeable companion and kind friend in my misfortouns, she 
looking always on our intrests to be the same, and bearing our 
hard fate with a good heart, and without repining. She has 
behaved herself w* such prudence both at home and abroad that 
she has acquired the esteem of all who know her, and since our 
mariage, it was the more a time of tryall of her good sense and 
discretion, that she is of and was bred up in a fFamily w'^^ thought 
and acted in a very different way from me in publick affairs, 
but neither that nor what might be her own oppinion of those 
maters did not hinder her from behaveing herself as became 
my wife both on my going (without acquainting her) to Scot- 
land, and the time of my being in amies there, and also on her 
being at Rome w*^ me in the king's family, and attending after- 
wards on the Queen, where, in his Maj. and my absence, she met 
w* sucli treatment from him ^ who had the direction of the 
king's affairs there as gave her occasion for all her temper, w*^'' 
she likewise had at the time of the King and Queen's mariage. 
She never likt or inclined to medle in politicks, nor was 
solicitous or inquisitive to know any thing of them from me, 
nor did she ever offer to advise me in them, nor w*^ reguard to 
myself or the uneasie situation I have been in for these severall 
years abroad, but with a true reguard to my honour preferable 
to any worldly interested concern. By these try alls, and my 
knowing her otherways so well I may venture to assure you 
that notwithstanding of her education in another way of 
thinking as to the politicks from us, and of her being of 
another country, whose interest may seemingly sometimes 
appear to clash w* that of ours, yet that she will never advise 
you to any thing inconsistant with your honour or the interest 
of y"^ country and farr less make a bad use of any thing she may 

^ Colonel Hay. 


chance to discover of designs for the service of it in any way. It 
will be y"" intrest as it is your duty to be observant of her, 
avoiding all disputs about what may in strickness or nicity be 
thought to belong to you or her, as I doubt not but she will 
with reguard to you, and this will be the wa,y of makeing an 
usefull friend of her, as well as a kind mother. . . . 

Clanshipe in our country is what ought to be encouraged 
and keept up as much as possible, both upon account of the 
publick and privat intrest. You are to be at the head of one 
w"^^ tho not so numerous as those in the highlands, is perhaps 
as old, and has not been inconsiderable in Scotland. There 
are severall of our name I am oblidg'd to, and I doubt not but 
that all of them will be assisting to you when they see you 
have the intrest of y*" country and familie at heart. Endeavour 
to keep them united, w'^^ is the way to make them considerable, 
and if you be assisting to one another, and act with good and 
upright intentions you may surly be so there, and consequently 
elsewhere, however things go, and I hope it may come to be in 
y*" power to be servicable to them, as I intended to be, had it 
pleased God to have prospered my endeavours. But let not fond- 
ness for those of your own clan and kindred make you neglect 
those of merit, who shall deserve well of you of another. . . . 

You have providence to thank that you have been more luckie 
in y"^ education than I was, and I bless God that you seem to 
have profited of it. May he in his goodness indue you with 
wisdome, w'^'^ is what you ought to ask w*^ earnestness of him. 

My designe of geting you placed in the ffrench service, 
was to keep you from being idle, and to make you by times 
know something of Avhat belongs to a souldier, that you may 
be the fitter for service of y*" king and country when an op- 
portunity shall offer. Had the late Duke of Orleans lived, 
you would have been soon preferrd, but unless a young man 
have such a support there is little encouragment for a 
stranger in the ffrench service, so I leave it to y"" self to consider 
whether to continue in it or not, and you will determine as you 
shall find most conduceing to the wellfair of y'' affairs. . . . 

Let your chife care and studdie ever be how you can be 
most servicable in the station in w'^^ Providence places you, 
to God in the first place, to your country in the next, and 


consequently to your king, and then to your fFamily and 
friends, in w* you yourself is comprehended. You ought 
to wait and studdy fitt opportunitys for all, and recall to 
your mind the great and noble things you may see in history 
that our ancestors the brave Scots have done in their days 
for the ffreedome and preservation of our country, when it 
was as low, and some tymes lower still than it now is, w^*^ 
their resolution effectuated, and let us not in these latter 
times seem un worth ie to be come of them. 

You have such principalis already that I hope honesty in 
all your ways and dealings will be naturall to you. Do not 
neglect acquireing riches when you have becomeing oppor- 
tunitys, but let not that be your chife view and aim, and 
endeavour more to be good than rich. 

Being a good friend, and observant of those to whom you 
ow it, and are civil to you, will be of great use, pleasur and 
advantage, and it is the way to make others so to you ; but 
be very cautious in the choise of y"" intimat friends, and try 
them by degrees before you trust them entirely, and when you 
have once trusted them, be as cautious of throwing them off 
or becomeing cool to them. 

I should be glad that you were well w* those with whom 
I have been in friendshipe, and it is natural to think that 
they will be readier to be true friends to you than others. 

Those who have once been in friendshipe w'' one, and have 
failed one by unkindness, ill offices, or ingratitud, whether rela- 
tions or others (and who has been without meeting w^ such ?) for- 
give them as I do, but be on y*" guard with them, and knowe them 
thoroughly, and have new and good experience and convinceing 
proofs of their amendment before you trust much to them. 

The situation of our affairs and the good of our family 
require y*" marying as soon as you can find and compass an 
advantagous match. The choise of a Avife is perhaps the step 
in a man's life of the greatest consequence to him, and on w'='^ 
his own peace, happiness, and tranquility most depends, and 
there is nothing w°^^ shews more his good or bad sense, discretion 
and conduct, so that it ought to be gone about w* great circum- 
spection, thought, and caution. Take care you mary not for 
love alone, that soon goes off where there is not a foundation of 


other good qualitys to support it, but be sure you do not mary 
where you cannot love. Avoid a disagreeable woman, but be 
carefull that beauty temp you not to judge wrong, and a good 
temper and being Avell made in her person is much more to be 
wished for in a wife than beauty, so let the mind and temper charm 
you more than the body, and the resonableness of the body more 
than the beauty of the face. Where any great defect has been 
much or frequently in a family, espetially those distempers w*^'^ 
run in the blood, avoid the marying into it. One in y"^ circum- 
stances, espetially who^ has a good old family to support and 
keep from sinking, is oblidg'd in the choise of a wife to have 
great regard to convenience and the fortoun she has, but this 
ought not to be pushed so farr as evidently to make himself 
unhappie by it. Happiness not consisting in great riches but a 
competencie is necessary. It ought to be great and valuable 
considerations that should make you mary much below your 
own quality and degree. Non of y"^ predecessors have hitherto 
done it, but in these days there is but too little regard had to 
this both in England and ffrance. It is more reasonable for 
one to mary one of his own country than of another if a party 
can be found and obtaind there sutable to his circumstances, 
and tho her fortoun should not be quite so great as he might 
perhaps find elsewhere, she is to be preferd if the person of the 
woman please, and she be of good parents and suitable quality. 
After all y"^ care in the choise of a wife, and w^^ you are 
oblidgM to have, y"^ happening well, depends on God, his 
directions and assistance you ought to ask w* earnestness, and 
I hope he will be graciously pleased to take care of you and 
guid you aright in it. May you be no less luckie than I was 
in the choise of y' mother, who it was my misfortoun to loose 
much too airly, and tho her fortoun was but small, w^^ was 
what I minded less than my circumstances required, she made 
it up in her good qualitys. 

Tho your friends, Lords Grange and Dun, have purchest the 
old esteat of the ffamily for you, there is great occasion for y"" 
looking carefully after it, all endeavours to be made to get 
them repay'd, w* thanks for their trouble, and its being estab- 
lished and fixt on your own person and then to have it well 
manadged and the old debts still remaining or what comes in 


place of them to y' tuo friends cleard and extinguished. I hope 
and trust that the same good providence that has hitherto so 
evidently taken care of us, will find out and put in y"" way 
means to enable you to do this. I still believe, as your affairs 
are at present, that it will be for y'' interest to dispose of 
the esteat in the north, as you wrote to y"" unckle last year, 
the jurisdictions being taken away and y"" unckle being under 
engadgments to sell the superioritys, makes the rest not worth 
keeping, and the money that may be got for it can be laid out 
to better advantage. I would still have keept there some 
mark of its haveing belonged to the ffamily upon many accounts 
and I do not see a better way for that than what was proposed 
in the letter above mentioned to L*^ Grange.^ 

In the course of y"" life, when you come to be settled and 
that business absolutely necessary leads you not else where, it 
will be y"" interest to live at home as much as y'' affairs in the 
world, and pushing y"" fortoun in an honourable way, will per- 
mitte, and endeavour to take pleasur in doing so. 

Alloa, the seat of the ffamily, is a fine place as any in our 
country and, after y"" knowing of it well, it will induce you to 
like and improve it as I always was a doing, and if I judge 
right of y'' disposition the more you do in that way, the fonder 
you will be of liveing much there. 

If ever you come to be rich enough to incress the esteat, it 
will be your intrest and that of the ffamily to purchess near to 
Alloa than anywhere else and the nearer it be still the better. 
The esteat of Clackmanan w'^^^ joins it would be the most con- 
venient purchess you can make. 

If Capt. Bruce or his son be able to keep the mantion-house 
and that part of the esteat of w*^** they are now posesst, be sure 
not to envie them of it, but on the contrair it will be an 
honourable part for you to do all you can to help and conduce 
to their keeping of it, even tho you should make the purchess 
from Mr. Dalrimple (proprietor of the estate of Clackmanan), 
as also what you otherwise can to serve that honest, honour- 
able, ancient family, as is becomeing one of ours who has so long 

^ I am unable to say what that proposition may have been, as the letter 
referred to is not included in either the Memorial or Legacy. 


been their neghbours ; but should they unluckily not be able 
to keep it, or that their own convenience make them incline to 
dispose of it, do all you can to be the purchasser. In the case 
of its becomeing y''% the hill on w'=^ the house stands, w* the 
wood on the north side, if inclosed with a wall, would make a 
fine and beautiful Park for Red and any other kind of deer, and 
lying so near to the parks of Alloa would be as if it were a 
part of them, w* it should be continued to be by you and 
those who succeed to you. 

I was to blame, as my ffather was, for going about repairing 
the old House of Alloa, w*^^ was more fitt to be made a quarrie, 
but we were both led into it by degrees for present convenience, 
and never being rich enough to undertake the building of a 
new house all at once. That may come to be y'' case too, 
and is likely to be so. The house is now in such a way to 
be made a tolerable good and agreeable one within, tho not 
very beautiful and regular without, with no great charge, so 
that it is not to be quite dispised, and I would not advise you 
to pull it down, unless you come to be more opulent than 
there is at present any appearance. By the latest Draughts 
and designes for it you will find amongest my drawings, you will 
see that it can be made, by degrees and a little at a time, con- 
venient and agreeable w* a great deal of Loding, and not a 
very bad figur of an irregular one, not pretending to Arche- 
tectur, and such a one as any subject may live handsomely in, 
and its being to be made so by degrees will make the doing of 
it easie to you, without incomoding y*" affairs. There is some- 
thing in the old Tower, espetially if made conforme to the 
new designe, w*^'^ is venerable for its antiquity and makes not a 
bad appearance, and would make one regrait the being oblidg^d 
to pull it down, w^^ must be done were there a new house to 
be built, the gardens, avenues, and courts and the whole 
designe of all about it, being so farr made to answer to the old 
house, that a new one behoved to be built in the same place. 
My naturall genious running much after things of this kind, 
occasioned perhaps my bestowing too much of my time that 
way, but it was a pritty amusement, and you may profet by it 
from the designs I have made and leave you for this place, and 
so bestow y*' own time to better purpose. The Plan you caried 


home w* you of Alloa, is a pritty good one and the designes of 
the gardens and Parks were mostly made by me before my 
being abroad and had not much opportunity of seeing things 
of that natur, I altred very little when I lastly made this plan. 
I am farr from tying you down to it, the liberty of pleasing 
ones own fancy in this as in other things being what gives the 
great pleasur, but because I have thought so much on these 
designes, know the place so thoroughly, and have some know- 
ledge and understanding of these matters, you ought to be well 
advised before you alter them or follow any other. 

You should endeavour to live well w* all y"" nighbours and in 
good friendshipe and intelligence. When there happens at any 
time what may occasion difference w* any of them, as often 
does, take care not to be the agressor and endeavour always to 
have things accomodated w* them in a friendly maner, with- 
out going to law, rather than that yealding in things not very 
essentiall and to be usefull to them w'^^ is the way to live 
agreeablie at home and to make y*" own life easie. 

So long as you have the esteat in Aberdineshire it will be 
for your advantage to visit it some times, and to pass the 
months of August and September in Braemar, once in tuo 
years is not too often : that will make you know y*" people and 
give them occasion of knowing you, w'^^ is absolutly requiset 
in a highland interest espetially. It will give you an oppor- 
tunity too of being acquainted with the gentelmen of the rest 
of the highlands and of being in concert, friendshipe, and good 
understanding w* them, w'^^ may come to be of service and 
advantage to y"" country in general and y"^ self in particular, so 
it is what I earnestly recomend to you and even should you 
come to sell that esteat, it will still be worth y'' while to 
visit that country sometimes, to hunt in it and keep up 
acquaintance w* the inhabitants, since you are to reserve a 
right to the huntings and being attended there, as by the 
scheme you sent to your unckle last year about disposeing of 
that esteat w* some reservations, w"^^ still appears to me the 
more fitt and necessary the longer I think of it. 

If you be ever so luckie to recover y"^ hereditary right of gover- 
nour, constable, and keeper of Stirling Castle, it will not be amiss 
for you to live sometimes there in winter as y"^ predecessor the 


Treasurer often did, even after our king went to England and 
that there was no court there ; but should our king come to be 
desirous to have all such goverments w* other jurisdictions 
restord to the crown (as I judge were we again a free people 
and kingdome of ourselves it is for the interest of our country 
they should) be not you refractiory in quitting w* y''^ for an 
adequate price, w* certainly the king and Pari, would give. 

Tho you should not have the Castle of Stirling to live in, 
you have a good shell of a house in the town, w*^*^ cost your 
predecessor, the Regent, considerablie. It wants to be repaired 
w''*^ is necessar to be done and w* some alterations and additions 
w* would not cost much would be a very good convenient 
house ^ for you to live in, as is proposed y*" doing in the Castle 
should it be restord you. The principall apartment of this 
house has been designdly and rightly made so high up that it 
might overlook the town and have the prospect of the country 
w*^*^ it has fully and is as fine an one as is to be seen anywhere. 
The house has a fine appearance to the street and out of 
regard and respect to the builder, it behoves the ffamily that 
is to come of him not to part w* this house or to let it go 
to ruin, so I recomend the preservation of it to you. 

There is no liveing in the world without trust, but be very 
cautious of trusting entirely the sole manadgment of y*" affairs 
to any one servant : understanding of them y*' self, looking 
often into them, and haveing the chife direction, will make 
you be well served and be of great advantage to you many 
ways. The oftner accounts are cleard w* servants the better, 
and to ease you in such a troublesome task, w^^^ was ever very 
disagreeable to me, as perhaps it may be to you, you will do 
well to get a friend or two to assist you, as my brother and 
L'' Dun used to do me. 

I had two very good servants in their stations, who are 
both now emploied again in y'" affairs, John Watson and Alex- 
ander Rait, who served me w* great affection, application, and 
honesty, as I doubt not of their still doing you. Be kind to them 

1 Much more of the building, now commonly known as ' Mar's work,' must 
have been standing at the period Lord Mar writes about it, as very little now 
remains of it. It is still the property, however, of the head of the Erskine 


and it will be for y"" advantage, I think, and ease that they agree 
and live well together, haveing no personall broils nor drawing 
different ways, w<=^ you should take care to prevent and cure if 
any be. I know some may not be of this oppinion, thinking 
when servants disagree the master is the less apt to be imposed 
upon and cheated, but that is not just reason in my oppinion, 
who hate to see people out of humour w* one another, whether 
inferiors or equalls, an honest man will be an honest man still 
and serve honestly, and so will a rogue follow his own ways 
and cheat you in spite of all cheques upon him. 

Be kind to those who have served me or my ffather well, as 
I doubt not you will be to those who serve you so. It is a 
creditable thing to see old servants about a house or ffamily 
and their children taken care of and comeing into the service 
in their own time or after them. This has been much the 
custome w* our predecessors and it is too comendable to be 
forgot. Good servants are seldome found, but when they are, 
deserve to be well and kindly used and y'' doing so will be a 
great mean of y' being well served. 

Be not bookish or sedentary ; use such sports, diversions, 
and exercises as you shall like best in a moderat way and 
without giveing yourself up too much to them ; those on horse- 
back or walking will be better for y"" health than phisick and 
keep you from laziness w'^^ renders one unfit for the service of 
his country. 

I have not observed you to be overfond of play, a great 
happiness, but be still on y"" guard against it since it wants but 
a beginning and a little habitud to take too much hold of one 
and scarce ever fails ruining those given up to it. I do not 
mean tho by this that you should follow my example, since the 
time you can remember me, in not playing at all, w'^'^ is an 
extream on the other side for w"^^ I am to blame ; But I am 
too old now to learn the games of cardes, w''^ I never likt, and 
this absteaning from play was occasion d by my over love of 
one kind of game when young, the Dice or hazard, of w''^ I 
was passionatly fond and playd for a good deal of money and 
more than was fitt or convenient for my affairs, tho I came off 
with little or no loss. When one loves any game to such a 
degree, it is scarce to be cured without quitting of it entirely, 


w^^ was the resolution I toke, first for a year, w* I observed, 
and that toke away my itch for playing at any game of cliance, 
that I never after had any inclination to play at any again : I 
somtimes tho playM at some of the little gams of cardes and 
at dice too, but rarly at either and only when in a maner 
forced to it and for complesance to the company. A little 
moderat play when the company is for it is allowable and even 
necessary everywhere, but in ffrance there is no keeping com- 
pany almost without it, and I have been often angrie w* myself 
for not knowing all the games of cards a little, it giveing a 
man an ill and acquard air in company not to do as others 
do in such innocent things : and when nighbours and fFriends 
come to see you, it looks as if you did not mind them enough 
or atend to what is for their entertainment, w'^'^ is always dis- 
agreeable and offencive and what you should be on y*" guard 

I must not forget to mention y"" musick, than w'^^ there 
cannot be a more agreeable, innocent amusement, and amuse- 
ments of one kind or other are absolutly necessary, and the 
man who has a taste of non is to be pitied ; But pray take care 
of giveing up too much of y"" time to such a bewitching thing, 
as perhaps I did to my archetectur and designing. Amuse- 
ments, tho necessary, to recreat and unbend our spirits and 
minds from more serious things and of moment, they ought 
never to make us neglect our affairs or what we may be more 
usefully emploied about, for the service of our ffamily, genera- 
tion or country, in respect of w*^'^ amusements or what the 
Italians call virtu are but trifles. 

I had the service of the Church of England sett up at Alloa, 
for w*^*^ I made a chaple, it being nearest to my own way of 
thinking in those maters, a medium betwixt the bare unbe- 
comeing nakedness of the Presbiterian service in Scotland, and 
the gadie, affected, and ostentive way of the Church of Rome.^ 
You may be perhaps too in this way of thinking about it, and 
may have a mind to have that service set up again there, but 
be sure to choose a fitt time for it. The minister of the place 
will be angrie about it, but I would not fall out w* him, do 

See also the letter printed for the first time in the Appendix to this Book. 


what he could, and I would not scruple going sometimes to his 
church and joining in the service. Endeavour in that case to 
keep good agreement betwixt those wlio frequent the one and 
fother service, and never let their frequenting either be the 
occasion of y*" kindness, dislike or neglect of any. 

You know this long, constant and closs friendshipe that has 
been betwixt my Lord Loudon ^ and me and also Lord Stair,^ 
tho differing much in publick affairs for some years past, but 
that should be no cause of breach of privat friendshipes, as it 
never was w* us, and tho the correspondance has ceased between 
us, I believe we are still the same to one another. I hope you 
shall find them friends to you too, and let it not fail on y"^ side. 

There was a strick friendshipe, and real affection too, betwixt 
the late Duke of Queensberry ^ and me, as there had been 
betwixt our fathers. I had many substantiall obligations to 
the last Duke, who's memory is very dear to me. I en- 
deavoured all I could to requitt his friendshipe to me what- 
ever the malice of some made them say to the contrary, I 
never feald in the least title to him and I had been unworthie if I 
had. He knew this well himself, as appeard by the kindness 
he exprest for me on his death bed a little before his expiring, 
and his recomending to those who were with and had a depend- 
ance on him to have thereafter the same on me. I heartily wish 
and hope that the like friendshipe may be betwixt our sons. 

You are no stranger to the intimacie and true friendshipe 
that is betwixt L*^ Lansdown ^ and me, he is a worthie honest 
man, and has less of that humour of oppressing and keeping 
at under our country than any of the English who has been in 
business I ever knew, tho I believe there is not one of them 
who likes their own country better nor would do more to serve 
it. This goodness and justness of his ought to recomend him 
much to all our countrymen, and I know y*" esteem for him is 
such that there is no need of my recomending to you the 
continuance, and cultivating your friendshipe w* him. 

^ Hugh Campbell, third Earl of Loudon. He was a strong Presbyterian, and 
fought against Mar at Sheriffmuir. 

- The well-known diplomatist and politician. 
2 The second Duke. He died July 6th, 171 1. 
^ The well-known poet and politician. 


There is another countryman of his and friend of y" as well 
as mine, tis L*^ Blanford.^ He has a good oppinion of you and 
I believe loves you. He will have it in his power to be of 
use to you, but his friendshipe is as valuable, and as much to 
be courted for his vertuous good qualitys as for his high con- 
dition in the world. 

You have had obligations y'' self from the Duke of Argyll 
and L*^ Islay, as y' unckle Grange informed you. Tho they 
and I have been often on different sides in publick affairs, yet 
we have been frequently on the same side too and good friends. 
I have had essentiall obligations myself from the Duke of 
Argyll, of which I am still sensible, and wish I had it in my 
power to return, w*^^ I would not fail doing if ever it be. I 
hope they will continue their friendshipe to you, and I have 
too good an oppinion of your good heart to think you will ever 
give them or others cause to repent of the favours that have 
or shall be shewen to you. Our family has twice maried into 
theirs, so we are come of it, and as is comonly said in 
Scotland, Blood is thicker than water and ought to be minded. 

There are other two cousins of ours who have had occasion 
to give proofs of their worth, honesty, and good heart. Lord 
Pitsligo 2 and S"^ John Erskine of Alva." I hope the same love 
and friendshipe will go on and continue betwixt you and them 
that was betwixt them and me, as also w* their children. 

There is a gentleman in Scotland who has had a great 
friendshipe for me, and I for him, ever since we were 
acquainted when young at Edinbrugh, Robert Moray, brother 
to Abercarnie,* he is a very honest man, and it has been often 
my great regrait that by one thing or other it never was in my 
power to get something done for him for makeing his circum- 
stances in the world more easie. Should it chance ever to fall 
in y' way to be servicable to him, do not, pray, fail it, upon 
the account of the long friendshipe that was betwixt us. 

^ William, Marquis of Blandford, son of Henrietta, Duchess of Marlborough, 
and Lord Godolphin. 

- Alexander Forbes, fourth and last Lord Forbes of Pitsligo. He took part 
in the affair of '15 and subsequently in that of '45. 

^ The Erskines of Alva were a branch of the Mar family. 

■* William Moray of Abercairney, Perthshire. 


Mr. Stewart of Invernity was my companion and school 
fellow at the coledge, and the friendshipe that was betwixt us 
then has never lesned since. He was also my fellow traveller 
and prisoner when I was arested at Geneve, and all the time 
of my confinement there, as you know. I am pleased w* seeing 
that there is also now a friendshipe betwixt you and him, so I 
need not, I know, say anything to you for the doing him all 
the service that shall be in y' power. 

You know honest Mr. Symmer and Mr, Minize so well y"" 
self, as also T)°^^ Stewart, who to all I am much oblidged, that 
there's no occasion, I know, to recomend them to you, but 
forget not to make them my last and kind compliments. 

You should endeavour to be at pains to have the geneologic 
and historicall account of our ifamily made up truely in writing, 
■w'^h yf unckle Grange and severall others in Scotland can help 
you in, and you will find amongst my papers here something of 
it wrote by me from such helps and lights as I could find here. 

If it shall please God that I die in fli-ance or anywhere else 
abroad, I hope you will join w* L'^^ Mar in seeing what debts 
I may be owing to tradspeople, servants, and otherways for 
liveing, cleard and satisfied. You know how farr we were from 
liveing extravagantly, but Lady Mar s jointure, and the interest 
of y"^ sister's mony was all we had to live on for severall years 
past,^ w<=^ was neether fully nor regularly pay'd til y'' unckle 
and cousin 2 purchest the esteat, W^^ with the severall falls of 
the mony made it unavoidable for us not to run in some debt, 
and once being so, it was as impossible for us to live and clear 
that beside, when we came to be regularly payd, only by these 
fonds, even when the ariars of this jointure were pay'd up. 

It is no great matter what becomes of a man's body when 
the breath of life is once out of it ; But tho I should die abroad, 
I wish to be buried w* my ancestors at home. Wherever my 
death hapen, I hope I shall not be so destitut of friends to 
have non to take care to find some proper place where to 
put my body to rest and remain free from insult, until it can 

^ This frank confession of poverty is scarcely agreeable to the accounts of the 
large sums of money which Mar is said to have received from the British Govern- 
ment, in return of his services in betraying Jacobite secrets to the Ministers of 
King George. - Lord Dun. 


conveniently, by the advice and direction of you and such 
friends and relations as you shall think fit to consult, be trans- 
ported to Alloa, and there, without eclat or giveing disturb- 
ance to any, to be decently and privatly inter'd by a few of 
my friends and relations. 

If it shall please God so to order that you shall come to be 
tolerablie easie in y"^ affairs, w*^*^ in his goodness I hope he 
shall, I recomend to you the haveing a Monument of Marble 
made and erected for the ffamily, in the Isle of the church of 
Alloa, over the vault or burying place, conforme to a Designe 
w*^'^ is amongest my Drawings. This monument and the altera- 
tion of the Isle would not be very chargable, but I do not strictly 
tey you down to this designe for it, leaveing you at liberty to 
alter it according to y"" own fancie w* the advice of those you 
may consult, who understand and have a right teast of such 
things, as y"^ acquaintance Mr. Gibb,^ to whom pray make my 
compliments. I leave you also at freedome as to the inscrip- 
tions to be put on the monument, and I shall leave amongst 
my papers what occurs to me for them. 

I shall inlarge no more here, my dear Tom, on advices to you. 
I hope y'" own good sense and understanding will be such that 
you shall have no occasion for them, but those I have here 
given occurring to me now when my thoughts were much and 
concernedly taken up about you at writeing these sheets, and 
seeming so necessary to me for your conduct, honour, and 
happiness in the world, that I could not keep myself from 
recomending them to you. I shall conclud w* this one, To 
have always in y"^ view and endeavour to come up to merit and 
deserve such a character as was given by an excellent Poet,^ 
tho bad yet great man, of our Predecessor the good Regent, 
your great grandfathers great grandfather the Earle of Mar. 

' Si quis Areskinum memorit 
Per bella ferocem 
Parce gravem uulli 
Tempore utroque Priunij' etc. 

1 The well-known architect. Lord Mar started him in business in London, 
out of gratitude for which Gibb left his children the whole of his fortune. 

2 Buchanan. 


My hard fortoun haveing made me have little or rather nothing 
to leave you, you must accept of my papers as my Legacie, for 
want of a better w* you would have got if I had had it. And 
as my endeavours to serve my king, country, ffriends. Relations, 
and ffamily, even in the way w*^'^ appeard to be most honour- 
able, just, and right (an wherein if I was mistaken I hope I shall 
be forgiven) has ever been my intention and chife designe, I 
trust to the goodness of that great exalted and eternall Being 
who made and governs us all, and has still provided for me, 
will also be graciously pleased to do so for you, who is like to 
begin the world w* as many difficulties as I did, but who, I 
hope, shall finish his course more luckily than I am like to do, 
tho you cannot do it with more peace of mind, submission and 
resignation to the will and pleasur of our Maker than I am 
now readie to do, and hope in his goodness to be when it shall 
please him to call me out of this transitory, troublesome world. 
The hopes I have in you and my little girle contributing not a 
little to it, and I must heartily thank him for haveing blest me 
w* such children, who, I beg and earnestly pray, he may alwayes 
have in his protection w* our flf'amily, keep it from perishing, 
and make it of use in his service, and in that of our king and 
country for many ages to come. 

Now, my dear son, may all blissings on this side of time and 
t'other attend you and my dear Daughter. May you be an 
honour to y"" country, ffamily, friends, and Relations. May you 
be indued with parts and qualitys suetable to your station, 
and the part you are to act in the world, and may you live 
long and comfortablie. These are the earnest wishes and 
fervent prayers of a very affectionat, Loveing, tender fFather, 
who is sorry for his faults towards God and man, and hopes to 
die in peace and forgiveness with all the world, when it shall 
please the Great God Almighty to call him from it, who was 
so graciously pleased to creat and give him being in [the ?] 
world, and to call him, he hopes, to a better, Resigning and 
trusting his Soul to his INIercy and forgiveness, through the 
Merits of our blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ our 
Redeemer. MAR. 

ment to be erected in the isle of the 
Church of Alloa. 

CMllon, March 1726. 
The Monument to be an obilisk of Black marble, w* a 
heart on the tope of which, and a flame comeing out of it of 
guilt brass. The obilisk standing on a Pedestall of a different 
colourd marble, and Trofies of guilt brass to be on the four 
sides of the obilisk. Two sides to be made up of Broad swords, 
targets. Highland guns and pistols, powder horns and bagpipes, 
after the way of the Highlanders armeing. The other two 
sides to be of the ordinar and modern armour as now used and 
a comander in chifes batton. 

In one place of the Tropheis to be a representation of a 
bundle of Papers teyd togither, and Indorsed Jewels for Scot- 
land, anno 1722 and 1723. 

One one side of the Pedestall, on a scutchon stuck to it, to 
be the armes of Mar and Erskine as is now used by me. On 
the side opposit, The Earle of Mars armes w* the Earle of 
Panmure's impaled. On another side Earle Mar's armes w* 
Earle KinnouFs impaled. And on the forth side, L"^ Mar's 
armes wt the Duke of Kingston's impaled. 

The obilisk to be placed on the pedestall, the angles of the 
one contrair to the other, and supported on two Lyons and two 
grifons couchant of Brass guilt. 

On the four corners of the Pedestall to be four weeping boys 
of white marble standing. 


The plain field on each side or Dado of the pedestall to be 
of white marble, on w'^'^ to be cut or ingraved such inscriptions 
as shall be thought proper by L*^ Erskine. 

The Monument to be placed over the vault or Burying place, 
betwixt the two stairs that lead up to L*^ Mar's seat in the 
church. A stair to be made from the door of L*^ Mar's low 
seat into the body of the church, down to the vault or burying 
place, w'^^ stair to be so coverd comonly w* planks or shutters, 
that they can be easily taken up or opned when ther 's occasion 
of entering into the vault. 

The vault of the Isle to be taken away, for the roof to be 
made higher on account of the Monument, and a cupola made 
directly over it, w* rooms made of each side of the Isle, all w'^'* 
will be more clearly seen by the Designe or Drawght.^ 

^ This Monument was never erected. The tower of the old church of Alloa 
is still standing, but little else. The modern church is close to the site of the 
old one. 



My dear Tom, — / cannot, I thhik, bettei'Jill up this book than 
with inserting my schemes and designs Jor the good of our 
country, calVd in the forgoing sheets JE WELS, and which I 
m,ay now entitle 


Considerations and proposals for the several parts of the 
constitution and government of Scotland upon a restoration. 

By the Restoration, the Union of the two kingdomes made 
in Queen Anne's time is naturally suposed to be broke, and 
the King has sacredly promist it in severall Declarations, so 
that Scotland would in that case be a free kingdome of itself, 
and to prevent the many inconveniences which experience has 
shewen to have happened in that country by the union of the 
two crowns in the same person (which nevertheless, if rightly 
improved, may be an advantage to both kingdomes), and to 
make some amends also for the loss of Scotland suffers by the 
king's reciding alwayes in England, there are severall altera- 
tions necessary to be made in the goverment and constitution 
of Scotland, from what it was when it had separat kings of its 
own reciding amongest themselves : which alterations are as 
much for the king's interest and advantage as for that of the 
People. Therfore, after the first Pari, of that kingdome's 
meeting and declaring itself, and the Nation free and inde- 
pendant of any but the king and his lawfull Heirs, 

1st. To be enacted, that ii. all time comeing a new Pari, 
shall be call'd every seven years, and to be alow'd to meet at 
least once in two years. 


2nd. That the lords of the Articles as before the Revolution 
be abolished, and all business to be prepared by comitties of 
Pari, as referred to them by Parliament. 

3rd. The Act of Peace and War, as it past in queen Anne's 
time before the union, to be reinacted, by which the nation 
cannot be brought into war without the consent of Parliament. 

4. To be enacted, that in all time comeing the officers of 
state shall be chosen and nominated by the king out of a list 
of three for each office to be made by Pari, and presented to 
his Maj,, and these to hold their places no longer than seven 
years, but to be capable to be presented again to the king by 
Pari, at the end of the said seven years : and that it shall be 
in the king's power to change any of the said officers of state 
before the end of the said seven years respective, if he shall 
think fitt, and to put in his place one of the other two 
recomended to him by Pari, to the same office, or to change 
one officer to the post of another ; and in case of Death, to 
name another to that post out of those recomended by Pari, 
for the said office or charge. 

5. The Privie or Secret Council to be chosen and named in 
the same maner as the officers of state, and to consist of the 
officers of state, the three vice Precidents of the courts of 
justice, ten noblemen and ten gentlemen, and to hold their 
places as the officers of state do theirs. 

6. The judges or Lords of session and justiciary court, the 
Barrons of Exchequer, and judges of the admiralty court, to be 
named by the king as the officers of State. That the Lists for 
the ordinary Judges to be presented to his Majesty shall be 
chosen by Pari, out of the first class of advocats, and these 
judges also to hold their places only for seven years, and be 
able to be deprived sooner by tryall and conviction for crimes 
or malversation, and in case of death the king to supply the 
vacancie immediatly out of lists made by Pari, for that pur- 
pose : and all those judges to be capable to be recomended to 
the king again at the end of every seven years. The king to 
name the vice Precident of the session out of the ordinary 
judges of that court, but his comission to be only for seven 
years, tho' to be in the king's power to renew it when that 


7. The Lords of the justiciary to be four besides the justice 
generall and justice dark or vice-president of the justiciary, 
but not of the Lords of session as now to be named, and to 
hold their places as the Lords of session. 

8. Two Lords of session to go the circuits with each of the 
three classes of the lords of justiciary, for trying the lesser 
civil causes, not exceeding the value of [here is a 
blank space] ; and their sentances in these cases to be final. 
Likewise to have power to try all other civil causes of whatever 
value which shall be brought before them, but those above the 
value of the lesser causes to be transferable to the full session 
at Edinb. or else where, either by the two lords or by either 
of the partys. In case of the two lords determination or pro- 
nuncing sentance in any of the greater causes at the circuits, 
an appeal to ly open to the full session by either of the partys, 
as also from the full session to the Pari. The Lords of session 
to have no additional alowance for the circuits, and all the 
ordinar Lords to take the circuits by turns. Sallerys to be 
appointed for the necessary inferior officers to attend the Lords 
at the circuits. 

9. The Exchequer Court to continue as it is constituted at 
present since the Union ; but the Saleries to the Barrons to be 
less than those of the Lords of session, haveing less business and 
trouble. They to be named and to hold their places as the 
judges of the other courts of justice, and the chife barren or 
vice-precident to be named as the vice-precident of the session. 

10. The court of admiralty to consist of the Lord High 
Admirall and two ordinary judges, to be chosen by the king 
out of a list made by Pari, out of the two classes of advocats, 
or either of them, and to hold their places as the ordinary 
judges as above. 

11. The first class of advocats to be restricted and limited 
to the number of ten, and to have a fixt salary from the 
goverment of two hundred pounds apice, for serving the 
Lieges in consulting and pleading their Law-suits, which they 
shall be oblidg'd to do under severe penaltys, without any 
other reward than the sum of [here is a blank space] 
from their clients every time they write an information or 
plead for him at the Barr of any of the Courts of justice, and 


punishable if they take more than the said fFee. The said ten 
advocats to be chosen by the Lords of session out of the second 
class of advocats, as those of the first class are taken to be 
judges of any of the courts of justice, or fail by death or 

Those of the second class of advocats to consist of Twentie, 
and each of them to have a fixt salery from the goverment of 
one hundred pounds. This number to be made up out of 
those who shall enter advocat, by the antiquity of their tryalls, 
and to have a smaller ffee from their clients than those of the 
first class. 

No other but these thirty advocats to be alow''d to practice 
or plead at the Barrs of justice. 

12. The Writers of the Signet to be only ten in number, and 
non of them to be alow'd to have more apprentices than four 
at one time, and no such thing as agents to be alow'd. This 
regulation of the coledge of justice would free the Lieges of 
aboundance of trouble and inconvenience, by the multyplicity 
of that vermine of the law who feed upon the bowels of the 
nation and render the people so ligitious. It would obligde 
most of the youth of the gentry to follow other emploiments, 
more useful to their country, and there would still be enough 
for supplying the Barr by those who would have a genious 
that way, and Avould studdy the law and enter advocats, for 
which there would be as above encouragement enough. 

13. It is to be presumed that the nation is sufficiently weary 
of the sower Presbiterian Church goverment which enervates 
the minds of the people. Therefore it is proposed that the 
church goverment shall be Episcopall, but the Byshops to 
have no place or vote in Parliament or council, and yet their 
Comisarry Court shall be regulated. The Byshops to be 
named by the King out of lists made by Pari, of three for each 
Byshoprick, which lists to be made by Pari, out of lists made 
by the clergy in the maner that shall be regulated, of five 
for each Bishoprick. 

14. That* there shall be an act of toleration for other 
Protestants who have scrouples of complying with the 
Established Church goverment that all may have liberty of 
worshiping God in their own way ; but the tolerated ministers 


to be incapable of possessing any Parish church, until they 
comply with the goverment of the church by Byshops as 

15. That a particular care be had to the visiting and 
regulating of coledges and universitys, by proper and qualified 
persons, the right education of youth being of great conse- 
quence to a country. 

That the king and Pari, shall appoint a competent number 
of comissioners, out of the most eminent, learned, and most 
judicious men of the nation for this work, to examine into the 
original and present constitution, establishment, and situation 
of all these societys, and to consider of the most proper 
measures that can be taken for encouragment of usefull 
knowledge, such as mathematicks in its severall parts, History, 
the Belles Lettres, Medicin, Botany, the ground and marrow 
of the civill laws, and of our own municipall laws, besides 
Theoligie, and, in short, these profitable and liberall sciences 
that forme the minds of youth to the best advantage, are most 
conforme to natural and solid reason, and most useful in 
humane life, without infecting tender minds with the useless 
and pernicious jargon of the scools. These comissioners to 
make a full and impartiall report to Pari, on which such 
regulations to be made as shall be found most proper and 

16. That the king leaves to the Pari, to reenact and 
confirme by a generall act such of the acts of Pari, made 
since the Revolution as shall be thought fitt and usefull, and 
to abrogat the rest. 

17. That the King shall oblidge himself and actually con- 
sent to the converting all the ward holdings of the crown to 
Blanch or few, the vassels paying a certain price to be fixt by 
Pari, for such convertions. 

18. An Act to be passed reviveing an old one, which 
declairs all mines to belong to the proprietors of the lands in 
which they are found, paying a tenth part of the free profits to 
the crown. 

19. If the king shall at any time think fitt to creat a Scots 
peer a peer of England, his peerage of Scotland to become 
void and null, and those who chance to be peers of both 


kingdomes at the end of the first session of the first Scots 
Pari, after the Restoration, to be oblidged to make their 
election which of them to hold ; and to be declair^d incapable 
for any to hold both in time comeing. 

20. The king to declare to Pari, at their first meeting his 
pleasur as to those Peers that have been made or advanced 
since the Revolution before they be admited to take their 

21. The king to agree to the restoring to the former 
owners the forfeiturs in King Charles 2nd and King James 
7th''s time, that they may continue in possession as since the 
Revolution, excepting such as shall not submit to his Maj^'^ 

22. To be enacted that all those who hold lands of subjects 
shall have right to purchess these holdings from such superiors, 
who shall be oblidged to sell them when required, at a certain 
price for each kind of holding, to be appointed by the said 
act ; and after these purchesses to hold these lands few or 
Blanch of the crown as the king's other vasseles. 

23. To be enacted, that when the greatest part of ten 
vasseles of any subject shall have thus bought their holdings, 
the said superiors shall be obliged to sell to the crown their 
jurisdictions of j usticiarys. Regality s or Shirifships at a certain 
price to be appointed by the said act, and the crown to be 
oblidged to make such purcheses and never to alianat them 

24. To be enacted that an Envoy or Minister on the part of 
Scotland (beside the Minister for England) shall be always 
sent by the King to reside at fforaigne courts, particularly 
those of ffrance, Spain, Germanic, and Holland, and to be 
chosen as the officers of state. 

25. The garisons of Edinburgh Castle, Stirling Castle, and 
Inverlochie to be alwayes one hundred men each, beside the 
officers, and those of Dunbarton, Blackness, Dunoter, and 
Home Castles, 50 men each, and the citadels of Leith and 
Perth to be repaired and improved. 

26. That there be always two thousand or fivetien hundred 
regular troops kept on foot. The Highlanders to be modled 
into Regiaments, to the number of fivetien or sixtien thousand 


men, conforme to a particular scheme for that affair, which 
would be the best armie of such a number for so small a charge 
in Europe. 

The militia of the rest of the kingdome to be modled and 
well lookt after, conforme to a particular scheme for that 

27. That three ships of war at least be always keept in pay 
for protecting the trade of the kingdome. 

28. The general or Comander-in-Chife of the troops and 
militia to be named by the king out of a list of three to be 
made by Pari, as the officers of state, of which he to be one, 
and he to hold his comission as they, and to have place and 
vote in Pari, and council as such. He to give brevets to all the 
officers of the troops and militia, which the king is either to 
confirme by comission or ordering the generall to recomend 
others for the said comissions, when he approves not of those 
to whom the brevets had been given. 

29. An agreement to be made betwixt the king and king 
of ffrance for five thousand men of Scots troops being always 
entertained in the ffrench service at that king's charge. The 
officers of which to have their comissions from the king of 
ffrance, but on the recomendation of the king of Britain and 
the K. of ffrance to be oblidg'd to alow the said troops or any 
part of them to return home at any time the king and Pari, 
shall think fit to recall them, six months after the said 

The king of ffrance to be likewise oblidged after the first 
three years of those troops being in ffrance, to alow one 
thousand of them to go home every year, upon the like 
number of new men being sent from Scotland to reimplace 

30. Acts to be made for encouraging trade and particularly 
the ffishing, as by the particular scheme for this article. 

31. Acts to be made for the encouragment of tilage in the 
low countrys and pastorage in the Highlands and other places 
not fit for tilage. The leaces or tacks of land to tennant as 
to the duration, etc., to be regulated by Pari., and also the 
distructive, oppresive, and unfrugall way of tennants' services 
to their masters. 


32. Proper laus to be revised and made for encouraging and 
preserving of planting and preserving the game. 

33. Provision to be made by Pari, from time to time for the 
necessary expences of the goverment civil and military. 

It is thought that four months cess yearly, in time of peace 
with what may arise from the crown rents, the Customs and 
Excise, Post office and Ld. of sessions fixt stock, may with 
good managment answer the said expences. 

34. An act to be made for encouraging a good corespondance 
betwixt the kingdomes of Scotland and Irland in relation to 
their trade, etc., giveing in Scotland all the priviledges of Scots 
men to the subjects of Irland upon the Pari, of Irland doing 
the same in that kingdome for the subjects of Scotland. 

35. It may seem an unfavourable time for some years (til the 
enormous abuses in the affair of Misisipi and the South Sea 
Companys be forgot, which perhaps to after ages may be as 
hard to do, as to belive all the extravagances of that time) to 
recomend anything of paper credit for Scotland, but were 
something of that kind rightly adjusted and keept within 
bounds, so that the paper could not exceed more than a certain 
quantity, suitable, and in proportion to the specie in the 
nation, as by a Land Bank or some such scheme, it might be 
of great advantage to that country. It would raise the value 
of land, which would be profitable to the greatest part of 
Scotland. It would augment the trade and comerse of the 
nation, extend it farther than can be done by the small 
quantity of specie now in that country. 

36. It is to be wished that the Metropolis were in a more 
convenient situation for the whole nation than that of Edin- 
burgh, but it is too late now to think of removing it from 
thence on account of the insurmountable difficulties for a poor 
country which would attend such a work. Therefore for the 
universal good and comodity, all ways of improving it should 
be thought of, as in particular making a large bridge of 
three storys of arches over the low ground betwixt the Norloch 
and phisick garden from the High Street at Halkerston's wind 
to the Moultrie hill, where there might be many fine streets 
built as the inhabitants increast, the access to them would be 
easie on all hands and the situation would be agreeable and 


convenient haveing a noble prospect of all the fine ground 
towards the sea and the ffirth of fforth and cost [coast] of ffife. 
One large and long street in a streight line where the long gate 
is now, on one side of it would be a fine opportunity for 
gardens down to the Norloch and on the other side towards 
Brughton. No houses to be on the bridge, the breadth of the 
Norloch, but selling the places on the ends of the bridge for 
houses and the vaults or arches below for warehouses and cellers, 
the charge of the bridge might be near defryed. 

Another bridge might also be made on the other side of the 
toun and almost as useful and comodious as that on the 
north. The place where it could be most easily made is St. 
Mary's Wind and the Pleasants. The hollow there is not so 
deep as where the other bridge is proposed, so that 'tis thought 
that two story of arches might raise it near upon a leavell 
with the street at the head of St. Mary's Wynd. Betwixt 
the south end of the Pleasants and the Potterrow, and from 
hence to Bristow Street and by the back of the wall at Heriot's 
Hospital there is a fine situation for houses and gardens. There 
would be fine avenues to the toun, and outlets from it for 
airing, walking, etc., and by these bridges and [word omitted], 
Edinburgh from being a bad incomodious situation would 
become a very beautiful and convenient one ; and to make it 
still more so a branch of that river called the Water of Leith 
might 'tis thought be brought from somewhere about the Colt 
Bridge to fill and run through the Norloch, which would be 
of great advantage to the convenience, beauty, cleanliness, and 
healthfulness of the toun. There would be no occasion then, 
from a confined situation to make the houses so monstrously 
high as they are now. The nobility and gentry, besides the 
burgesses would be encouraged to make fine buildings (stone 
being near) ; it being desirable for all or most people of con- 
dition to have Houses and be well and agreeable lodged where 
there affairs so often oblidge them to be, upon account of the 
government and courts of justice. The markets of Edinburgh 
now inconveniently keept on the high and main street to be 
removed to more convenient and proper places : Publick gardens 
and walks with a cour or ring for coaches to be made in St. James's 
Yards and Clockmill Park, for which the ground to be purchest 


from the Duke of Hamiltone. These would also serve for the 
gardens to the King's Palace of Hollyrud house, and if the 
hills in the Park were planted and those called Calton craigs, 
it would add very much to the beauty of the place. 

37. The Palace of Holyrud House to be put in repair and 
the King's apartments to be furnisht at the publick charge, in 
which the comissioner to be lodged where there is one and all 
officers of State to have apartments in the Palace. 

The toun of Leith (the port of Edinburgh) to be made easier 
in its priviledges, for which Edinburgh would be fully com- 
pensated by the improvements now proposed and the citadel to 
be repaired, 

38. The chancelor being the first great and constant officer 
of State in the Kingdome, ffor the dignity of the govorment, 
a country house near the toun to be bought by the publick for 
him and an appartment of it to be for the comissioner when 
there is one. Dalkeith would be a proper place for that as 
would be also Pinkie, Newbotle, and Roiston. 

39. The making a canal betwixt the Rivers fforth and elide 
would be a great improvement to Scotland as well as of great 
service to the trade of the whole Island, especially the Indian 
trade, by saveing a dangerous long passage round Britain, since 
by that canal the west and east sea would be joined. The way 
for leading this canal is from near Glasgow by Kilsyth, to the 
mouth of the river Carron, below ffalkirk. ... It is com- 
puted that thirty thousand pounds sterling might do the work, 
but should it cost the double, it would be well bestowed and 
be soon repayed the profit araiseing from the canal, if there 
were any trade in the country. There might be also a good 
road easily made for transporting merchandise by land betwixt 
Glasgow on Glide and the fforth, by Takmedoun, St. Ninians, 
and the Throsk, where large barks can come up the fforth and 
great ships to Alloa which is but three miles lower. . . . The 
Merchands might have warehouses at Throsk for their goods, 
and from thence it is easie bringing them by water to Alloa, 
where they could be shift for Edinburgh, London, etc. This 
road would cost but a very small charge, and be of great ad- 
vantage for trade and comerce and would not be useless, 
though the canal should come afterwards to be made. 





The appointments for the officers of State. 

I The chancelor, who is to Preside in the Coun 
I cill, Session, and Exchequer when present sterl 
I and to be keeper of the great Seal, . . 2,000 

The Lord Privie Seal, 
The Justice general, , 
_ The Lord High Admirall, 
"o j The Principal Secretary of State, who is pre 
^ I sumed to reside mostly out of the kingdome 
about the king's person, beside the profits 
of the signet, which to be regulated, , 2,000 

The Treasurer Deput or first Lord of the 

Treasury, ..... 800 
The general of the Mint, . . . 800 

The Lord Regester, and the fees of that office 

to be regulated, .... 800 
The Lord Advocat, who is to be concerned in 

no causes but those of the crown, . . 600 

(Total) 9,600 
Ministers, but no officers of State, so to have no 
place or vote in Pari, as such or by virtue of their 

Four comissioners of the Tresury, two to be 
noblemen and two of them gentlemen only 
and to have five hundred pounds each, . 2,000 
The vice President of the Session, . . 800 

The vice President of the Justiciary, . . 600 

The chife Barron or vice precident of the 

Exchequer, .... 600 

The fourtien ordinary Lords or judges of the 

Session, four hundred pounds each, . 5,600 

The four Lords or Judges of the Justiciary, 

300 p. each, .... 1,200 

The Three Barrons or judges of the Ex- 
chequer, 300 p. each, . . . 900 
The two judges of the admiralty Court, 100 

each, 200 


The Generall Receiver of the Public Revenues sterl. 
and Cash-keeper, .... 400 
The Under Master of the Mint, . . 300 

The Ten advocats of the first class, 200 pounds 

each, ..... 2,000 

The Twenty advocats of the second class, 

100 pounds each, .... 2,000 
The Master of the Works, with the servants 

of that office, . . . .500 

The Lyon King at Arms, with the officers be- 
longing to that office, . . . 200 
The Director of the Chancery, . . 100 
The Kniffht Marischall, . . .100 

(Total) 17,500 

The whole expenses of the constant 

civil government, . 27,100 

N.B. — The Ministers abroad to be added beside the charges 
of the under officers for the circuits. 

The commissioner for holding the Parliaments to be always 
one of the officers of state as the king shall think fit to ap- 
point, and his allowances as such to be twenty Pounds a day, 
for his whole expenses. 

The expences and charges of the Military Force of the Nation. 

Pounds sterl. 
The garisons, .... [Here are blank 

The two thousand regular standing forces. 
The sixtien thousand highlanders. 
The Mihcia, .... 
The general officers, 
The three ships of war. 

spaces in Lord 
Mar's MS.\ 


Lord Mar havemg sent a scheme to the king to the same purpose 
with the Joregomg one. His Majesty was pleased some time 
thereafter to write, and send him the Jolloioing letter and Instruc- 
tions, at different times as marM by the dates : 

LORD MAR from 

Rome, Jan. \st, 1722. 
The many instances I have had of the unparalelled zeal of 
my Scots subjects towards me and my ffamily, hath made me 
often consider of wayes and means how to settle the goverment 
of that my ancient kingdome upon a more advantageous and 
solid foundation than it hath been hitherto, to the end that 
when it pleases God to restore me to my Kingdomes I may be 
prepared to propose what may be conduceing thereto, as I shall 
be always ready to second my first free Pari, in every thing 
that may tend to the prosperity of that country as well as to 
the tranquility of my government. 

The principles of gratitude and the tender and ffatherly 
affection I bear towards my people oblidge me to omitt nothing 
that may be any wayes for their interest and satisfaction. 
Providence seems now to have so disposed matters as that I 
hope it will not be long before my Scotish subjects have an 
opportunity of giveing fresh proofs of their readiness to assert 
and suport my just cause,^ and in all appearance my service 
as well as the comon good, will soon require your personall 
attendance in your own country ; Wherefore I think it but 

Jacobite hopes ran high in 1 722. 


j ust that I should comunicate to you some particulars, which 
in my opinion, if rightly executed, may be very much for the 
advantage of my ancient kingdome, and I am resolved to lay 
them before my first free Pari, whose advice I shall be always 
ready to follow in any thing that may tend to the good of the 

I am persuaded that both you and such of my faithfull 
Scotish subjects as you shall think fit to comunicat my thoughts 
to, will have some satisfaction to observe how much they are 
emploied towards the providing for their future happiness, 
and how favourable my intentions are towards the promoting 
anything that may be for their good. 

I need say nothing at present of what relates to the union. 
It is not only void in itself as haveing been esteablished by an 
illegal authority, but I have also in different Declarations 
declared it such, and shall be ready to repeat the same when 
occasion offers. 

What I am now desirous of is to make that my ancient 
kingdome a free, independant, and flourishing People, and to 
that end I shall not scruple the yielding of some points which 
may even seem in some measure to lessen the power of this 

As to my particular views and reflections I send you some 
of them with this in a paper apart, and shall transmitt more 
to you in the same maner as they ocurr to me without delay, my 
intention being that this Pari, immediatly after my Restora- 
tion should take the speediest means towards settling the 
goverment in the maner which may be most advantageous and 
satisfactory to the nation, and they may be assured that I shall 
be always ready to confirme whatever my Pari, may offer me 
for that effect ; and I shall refer to it the reenacting and con- 
firmeing by a generall act such acts made since the Revolution 
as it shall be found proper so to do. 

As to the Peers created since the Revolution, the same is to 
to be said as to them as hath been mentioned already in 
respect to the Union, for haveing been created by an unlawfull 
authority, they are in elect no peers : I shall nevertheless con- 
sider to favour in a particular maner those of that number who 
shall put themselves in a condition of receiveing from me such 


dignitys as recompenses for loyall and honourable actions, for 
which they were always designed : and I shall exclud non from 
partakeing of my favour but such as manifestly prove them- 
selves unworthie of it. 

To conclude this letter, what I have further to add is that as 
in the Reflections I now send you, or in such as I may here- 
after add to them, I have nor shall have nothing, but the 
generall good of the country in my view. It may be that I 
may propose some things which may more or less affect par- 
ticular persons, but should that hapen I am persuaded that all 
concern d will on reflection follow my example, and cheerfully 
yield small personall interests for considerable advantages to 
the comon and publick weelfare, which will esteablish a solid 
happiness both to my posterity and theirs. 

Your interest in your country had once very near niade you 
the chife Instrument in freeing it from oppression and 
slavery. May you be blessed with success in your present 
endeavours towards that glorious end, and may you have the 
honour and satisfaction of not only contributing to its de- 
livery, but after that of haveing a particular share in the 
execution of my views towards its future liberty and happiness. 

{Sic sub.), James R. 

In consequence of my letter to you of this date, my views 
are as followeth : 

1st. That a New Pari, should be called every seven years, 
and that they meet at least once in two years. 

2d. That the Lords of the Articles as before the Revolu- 
tion should be abohshed, and all business to be prepared by 
Comittes as referr d to them by Pari. 

3. That the act of Peace and War as it was passed not 
long before the union should be re-enacted. 

4. That the officers of state, the judges of the Courts of 
Session, Justiciary, Exchequer, and Admiralty should be named 
by me out of a list of three for each vacancie to be made by 
Pari., and to be sent to me. 

5. That the Privie Councill be chosen in the same maner as 
likewise the Byshops, but the last to be proposed to me by 
Pari, out of lists made by the clergy for that eff'ect. 


6. That all mines should belong to the proprietors of the 
lands in which they are, paying a tenth part of the clear profits 
to the crown. 

7. That no man whatsoever shall be capable of sitting in 
both Pari®, of England and Scotland. 

8. That the U^^ of justiciary shall be oblidg'd to go their 
circuits twice a year as they do now, and that two Lords of 
Session shall go their circuits with the two setts of the JJ^^ of 
Justiciary for trying civill causes at the same time that the 
U^ of Justiciary try what is criminall, and that both one and 
fother should have reasonable sallarys alow'd them, 

9. That an Envoy or Minister on the part of Scotland 
besides the Minister of England should be always sent by the 
king to reside at the Courts of ffrance, Spain, Vienna, and 
Holland, to be chosen as the officers of State. 

10. That provision should be made by Pari, for the necessary 
expences of the goverment, civill and military, and that the 
sallarys of the officers of state be also regulated by Pari. 

(Sic sub.) James R. 

Rome, Jan. \st, 1722. 

In consequence of my letter to you of the first of January, 
I think it would be very advantageous for Scotland, 

1. That the crown should be oblidged to convert all the 
lands holding [word omittedj of it to feu or Blench, the vassalls 
paying a certain price for it to be fixt by Pari, 

2. That all those who hold their lands of subjects should 
have right to purchase their holdings from such at a certain 
price to be appointed by Pari, for each kind of holding, and 
that after such purcheses they should hold their lands of the 
crown with the same priviledges as the king's former vassals. 

3. That when the generality of any subject's vassals have 
bought their holdings, the said superiours should be oblidged to 
sell to the crown their jurisdiction either of Justiciarys or 
Royalitys, at a certain price to be apointed by Pari., and that 
the crown should be obliged to make such purcheses and never 
to alianat them, 

(Sic siib.) James R, 

Rome, Jan. ^Oth, 1722. 



In consequence of my letter to you of the first of jan. I 
think it would be very advantageous for Scotland, 

1. That the castles of Edinburgh, Stirling, Inverlochie, 
Dumbarton, Blackness, and Dunnoter should be provided with 
sufficient garisons. 

2. That there should be always two thousand Regular 
Troops on foot in the kingdome, and that the Highlanders 
should be modled into regiaments to the number of fiftien 
or sixtien thousand men, which last will be a small expence 
to the goverment. 

3. That three ships of war should be constantly keept in 
service and pay for protecting the trade of the kingdome, and 
that their comanders shall be named by the king. 

{Sic sub.) James R. 

Rome, Jan. 29<7i, 1722. 

In consequence of my letter to you of the first of jan. I 
think it would be for the honour and interest of Scotland that 
I should make an agreement with the King of ifrance after my 
restoration for his entertaining a certain number of Scots 
Troops in his service, which I am persuaded the Pari, will 
approve of. 

(Sic sub.) James R. 

Rome, ffeb. 5th, 1722. 

Upon your going to Scotland and seeing appearance of suc- 
cess in the endeavours for our Restoration, you are hereby 
authorized to call a Pari, or Convention of Esteats of that our 
ancient kingdome, conform to the power given to you by our 
comission of comissioner, bearing date the 28 day of June 
1721. To meet and to hold at such a place or places as shall 
seem most expedient to you, to consult on the weighty affairs 
of the nation and the esteablishing of our government, and 
particularly such other things for the good of that our king 
dome as are recomended to you in a letter of the 1st of January 
last. (Sic sub.) James R. 

Rome, the Jiftienth of May 1722. 
Directed : For the Duke of Mar.^ 
^ tord Mar was created Duke by the Prince, 


In our Pari, of Scotland, which we hope is soon to be holden 
by you there, you are Hereby authorized and impower'd to give 
our consent to such act or acts as shall be past by the said 
Pari, for Rescinding and annulling such forfeitures as had passed 
in the reigns of our unckle King Charles the 2"*^, or our ffather 
King James the Seventh, and restoring esteats to such of the 
antient owners or their heirs as shall own and acknowledge our 
title to the crown of our dominions. (Sic S7ib.) James R. 

Rome, May 16^/^, 1722. 

Addressed : For the Duke of Mar. 

You are hereby authorized, when you are in Scotland, to 
institute a new Military Order of Knighthood, consisting of 
[here is a blank space] persons, to be call'd the Restoration 
Order, whereof one to be the head or Sovereigne, and to make 
such institutions, laws, and orders, as to you shall seem ex- 
pedient, which we hereby promise to confirm : and to bestow 
the said order, with all the Badges of it, on such persons as 
you shall think fit, to the number of [here is a blank space], 
and particularly to the chifes of clans, as you shall find them 
act heartily in our service. {Sic sub.) James R. 

Rome, May 16, 1722. 

Addressed : For the Duke of Mar. 

At a time when I formerly designed to make an attempt on 
Scotland for the recovery of my Dominions, I thought it for the 
good of my service to send to you the following papers, viz., 
Comission for your being High Comissioner of our Pari, of 
Scotland, dated June 28, 1721. 

A letter in my own hand directed to you, dated Jan. 1st, 1722. 

Ten Articles of Instructions in consequence of the said 
letter, dated Jan. 20th, 1722. 

Also three other articles of Instructions in consequence of 
the said letter, dated Jan. 29th, 1722. 

One other article of Instruction in consequence of the said 
letter, dated ffeb. 5, 1722. 

Also two other articles of Instructions dated May 15th and 
16th, 1722. 


A warrant impowering you to erect a new order of Knight- 
hood in Scotland, dated May 16, 1722. 

An order under my hand to the comander in chife of Scot- 
land, dated Jan. 19, 1722. Together with a letter from me to 
the said Comander in chife, dated Jan. 19th, 1722. Together 
with the powers and authoritys, orders and instructions, therin 
contained, I do hereby this my letter confirm to you, and 
require and order you to follow and execute as they are therin 
specified, and hereby require all my loveing subjects to give 
due obedience thereunto. {Sic sub.) James R, 

Received at Paris by L*^ Mar, August 1723. 

Addressed : For the Duke of Mar. 

Lord Mar desired the king to send him the following order, 
as he gave to others at that time, that he might show it when 
the orders were given them ; but that never happned, and Lord 
Mar's comission and comissioner was not to be made known til 
he should be in Scotland, except to Mr. Dillon alone, with 
whom all was concerted. 

The generall good disposition of my faithfull subjects, of 
which they have given me such remarkable instances of late, 
has encouraged me to make an attempt at this time for the 
recovery of my Dominions and the relise of my opprest people, 
and though I have condescended to your request that you 
should not have the principall conduct and comand of this 
undertakeing upon Scotland,^ yet I do not doubt of your readi- 
ness in giveing all the assistance you can to Generall Dillon, 
whom I have apointed my generall and comander in chife 
there, and for which intent I do hereby require and direct you 
to repair to Scotland, and there follow and obey such directions 
as you shall receive from our said comander in chife, as he shall 
think most for our service. Your ready complyance with what 
I now require of you will thereby intitle you to those marks of 
my favour you so justly deserve of me. 

(Sic sub.) James R. 

Received by L^ Mar at Paris, August 1723. 

Addressed : For the Duke of Mar. 

Evidently Mar did not again wish to head a military rising in Scotland. 



Jidly 1722. 
1. The Pari, and kingdome of Irland to be declared in the 
most solemne and authentick maner fFree and Independant of 
all but the king himself and his lawful! heirs and successors, 
and Poinings Act, etc., to be anuled. 

2. The Pari, to consist as now of an House of Lords and 
another of Comoners, and all acts and Laws to be past by the 
Pari, of Irland only, w* the consent of the king or his L*^ Live- 
tenant, without being revised by the Councill of England, and 
no sentance or order of either or both houses of the English 
Pari, to be of any force in Irland. 

3. A new Pari, to be calPd every seven years, and to meet 
once in two years at least. 

4. No Peer of England to be capable of being a Peer of 
Irland unless he renounce his English Peerage. 

5. All the officers of state and civill goverment to be named 
by the king out of lists to be recomend by Pari., of three for 
each office, and these to hold their places no longer than seven 
years, unless recomended again by Pari. 

6. The Judges and Bishops to be named and hold their 
places in the same maner as is proposed for Scotland. 

7. Not to be in the king's power to make peace or war for 
the kingdome of Irland but by the consent of Pari. 

8. The Militia to be regulated and esteablishd by the king 
and Pari, conforme to the way proposed for Scotland. 

9. The esteablished church of Irland and its goverment to 


be as now by Bishops, Arch Bishops, etc., but liberty of con- 
tience to be alowed to all to worshipe God in their own way, 
and no exclusion to be on any one on account of Religion, from 
Pari, or any publick Emploiment. 

10. A comission to be appointed by king and Pari, for 
regulating the affair of the fforfi tours, so that all since the 
Revolution may be restord to their ancient properties, on such 
conditions as the Pari, shall by an act appoint. 

11. The trade of the kingdome to be regulated and 
esteablished as the Pari, shall judge fit. 

12. A good correspondance to be esteablished betwixt Irland 
and Scotland, and ways taken to encourage it, as giveing Scots- 
men the same priviledges in Irland as Irish men shall have in 
Scotland, and the trade betwixt the two countrys to be regu- 
lated for the advantage of both, 

13. An agreement to be made betwixt the king and the 
kings of ffrance and Spain for each of these kings'' entertaining 
in their service 5000 Irish troups, as is proposed betwixt Scot- 
land and ffrance. 

14. Ministers or envoys from the king on the part of Irland 
to be keept at fforeigne courts, and recomended to the King 
by the Pari, of Irland, as is proposed for Scotland. 

15. Twelve thousand regular troups to be keept always on 
oot in Irland. 

16. A competent Navie or fleet to be always entertained for 
protecting the trade of the kingdome, etc. 

17. Tilage to be encouraged for the better peopleing the 
country, and sheep walks or pastur to be restricted, by alowing 
only a certain and reasonable number of sheep to each tennant 
or farmer, conforme to the extent of his grounds. 

18. The Linnen Manufactur to be regulated as found most for 
the interest of the country, and the propogation of Hemp (for 
^ch g^ great part of the Kingdome is exceeding proper) and the 
Manufacturs of sail cloath and cordage to be encouraged. 



the only thing which can make it considerable 
or significant within itself or serviceable to its 
allies Abroad ; and for esteablishing the Militia 
of the Kingdome upon the Restoration, and of 
the 26th, 28th, and 29th Articles of the generall 
scheme for the goverment of Scotland after 
that time. 

If the Scots were accustomed as of old to the use of Armes, 
it is plain to demonstration that they could furnish and bring 
to the field at any time for the service of their king and 
country fifty thousand good men and near double that number 
in case of necessity, by an invasion from without or comotions 
within the island of Great Britain. In order to what is pro- 
posed, it is absolutely necessary to change the whole present 
economic of that country which has been introduced since 
their raisfortoun of their king's resideing in England and being 
governed by English councills and influence. Since that time 
the old military spirit has been laid aside and lost, and in place 
of the youth of the kingdome being brought up to military 
exercises as in the days of yore, they have run to follow the 
studdy of the law, phisick, chirurgiry, etc., in hopes of raising 
their fortunes, and tho'' not one in ten succeed that way, yet 
most of the gentry breed their children up with a view towards 
it, by putting them to what is called the Letteron^ at Edinburgh 
(which is to write things relaiting to processes, securitys, and 

^ Letteron or Lettrin, a desk. To be bred to the Letteron, to be educated as 
a Writer. 


by that lean on the chican of lawers), which makes them a pest 
to all their nighbours, their morals and honesty being ruined 
by it. Others send their sons to studdy the law abroad, and 
when they return it is lookt on as an affront if they enter not 
advocat, whether fitt for it or not, by which that class of men 
become so numerous that they are an useless load to the comon 
wealth and most of them still continue a burthen to their 
families or in a maner starve. 

It is therfore proposed to discourage this way, and for that 
end in the general scheme for modeling the goverment on a 
Restoration, the number of advocats and those who follow the 
practice of the law is restrictedjto a certain moderat number, 
by which means the writer would be oblid'g to follow the 
sword when they would see encouragment given to it and no 
other way of employing themselves, 

fPor the encouraging this project, and for haveing a numerous 
and well dissiplin'd Militia, the following methods are proposed 
for armeing and dissiplining the whole fensible men of the 
nation : 

L As by the generall scheme above mentioned there is to 
be always mentain'd in ffrance at that king"'s charge the 
number of five thousand Scots Troops, which will serve as a 
nursery of war for the youth of Scotland of all ranks, and afford 
a good mentinance for a good number of the young gentry, by 
being officers in that corps, the officers being to have their 
comissions on the recomendation of the King of Britain. 

A thousand of that body of men being, by the generall 
scheme, to be exchanged every year after the first three years 
of their haveing been in ffrance, would much contribut to the 
putting the Militia at home into the way of exercise by those 
who have served abroad and returned annually in training 
them up in a military way. 

This would also in some years make all the Scots as ffrench 
men, since most of the best of them would have served five 
years of their youth in that country, which could not but be a 
very great tye betwixt the two nations. 

A law to be made oblidgeing the whole gentry to send their 
eldest sons to serve in the Scotts troups in ffrance voluntires, at a 
certain age, for two or three years, besides those who have comis- 


sions in the troops there, which would not cost their parents more 
than keeping them at the Letteren at Edinburgh used to do, 
and without expence to the goverment. By which these young 
gentlemen would have an opportunity of good education and 
going to the accadimie there and makeing themselves fit for the 
service of their king and country when they returned home. 

There would soon rise an emulation whose children did best 
in this way, and those who did so would be most recomended 
to emploiments civil and military at home, as well as to comis- 
sions in the Scots troops in ffrance, and it would afford aboun- 
dance of good officers to be put at the head and training of 
the militia of Scotland. 

The thousand men to be sent from Scotland yearly to relive 
the like number of troops from thence, not to be vagabounds, 
but the sons of the best sort of ffarmers and tradesmen, betwixt 
18 and 25 years of age, and there would be no difficulty in find- 
ing of them, there being one thousand parishes in Scotland, in 
each of which the best of the youth, as above, might cast lots 
whose turne it should be ; and they being to serve but five 
years, there would be soon an emulation and desire who should 
go, for on their comeing back and returning to their trades or 
former occupations, they would be more esteem"'d than those 
who had continued at home, and even the women would prefer 
them for husbands, which would go a great way with the young 

2. That there should be Lord Livtenants of each county or 
shire, who should have the comand of the Militia therof, and 
to have a strict eye over all the inferiour officers and oblidge 
them to fuUfill their duty in training up all the people who are 
fit for amies in the military art and exercise, and assemble them 
as often as can be without interupting their labours. 

3. The kingdome to be divided into severall districts, and 
over each of which to be an expert generall officer appointed 
who should be oblidged to make a circuit of his district at cer- 
tain times to informe himself of the diligence and care of the 
under officers, as a cheque over the Lords Livetenants, and he 
also to see the people exercised by their officers and to make 
their report to the councill, in order to the councilFs informe- 
ing the king who best deserves his royall favour and bounty. 


4. That the Councill each session of Pari, lay before it the 
state of the Militia of the whole kingdome, to informe his 
majesty of it and which officers deserve best. By this means 
the different districts will be prompted to a noble emulation 
and a military spirit would soon run through the whole 

5. The generall officers to change their districts every third 
or fourth year, so that they may not look on them as their 
own property, and the Pari, to have a regard to the Lord 
Livtenants and generall officers who do their duty well, in the 
recomendation to the king for those who are to have civill 
emploiments as well as military, by which means the military 
service would be recompenced not only with military posts but 
civill, and so all the nobility and gentry would be stirr'd up 
and encouraged to apply themselves to the studdy of what con- 
cerns both the civill and military business, as it was in ancient 
Rome, where their principal men were fit both for being Legis- 
lators and captains. 

6. ffor giveing the more luster, esteem and respect amongst 
the people to the officers of the Militia, they to have their 
comissions from the king himself, upon the recomendation of 
the comander in chife, who in the meantime is to give them 
Brevets as he is to do the standing forces, and severe laws to 
be made to prevent the soldiers being maltreated by words or 
blows from the officers and for the soulders giving exact obedi- 
ence to their officers. 

7. A Royall Military order of Knighthood to be erected and 
confer'd by his Majesty or the comander in chife from him, on 
those who shall distinguish themselves in that service. Likewise 
the order of St. Louis in ffrance. 

8. In the proper and fair seasons of the year, the Militia to 
be led to the field to form camps, counterfit batles, learn the 
march of armies, and thereby be instructed in the three great 
branches of the military art. 

9. The whole Militia to be regularly cloathed in their 
respective regiaments, which may be done without putting the 
state or people to any extraordinary charge. All the peasants 
and tradsmen, or comon people, their children and most of 
their servants, have a Sunday's or holy day's coat, and 'tis but 


their being oblidg'd to have this coat of the livery of the 
regiament they belong to. 

10. It is greatly for the interest of Scotland that the High- 
land Clans be encouraged and kept up, and their whole people 
armed. They are all to send to the field five and twentie good- 
men upon an extraordinary occasion, but there may be easily 
fifetien or sixtien thousand of them modled into regiaments, if 
comanded by their different chiefs, which will be better than 
militia of any kind, and almost equall to regular troups and of 
much less expence. This is an advantage to Scotland in 
particular, and ought not to be neglected. The chiefs who 
can easily furnish five hundred men, to have two hundred 
pounds a year settled on them by the goverment, and such 
who cannot furnish that number to have in proportion, joining 
their men with other little chiefs of their nighbourhood to make 
up a butalion or Regiament. They to have all targets, broad- 
swords, and fusies, and their exercise to be conforme to their 
armour. To be cloathed in the Highland habit with plaids, 
westcoats, and treus in winter, which may be of different colours 
and different marks on their targets, as their chiefs shall think 
fitt, to distinguish what regiament they belong to. 

Nothing can be more advantageous to the state and to the 
Royall ffamily than to support such a body of Highland 
troops. They are generally loyall, and have a great affection 
for their country. They are already in the use of armes, so 
the more necessary til the militia of the rest of the Kingdome 
be traind and inurd to them. Those of the same name and 
clan look on themselves all as gentlemen and bretheren, and the 
chief as the comon father or parent from whom they all come 
and count their liniall descent so that they fight not only as 
good subjects for their king and country, but as children of 
the same ffamily joined in regiaments togither, which gives 
them an emulation to outdo one another. 

In the time of war all but the chiefs to have regular pay. 
The yearly pensions of the chiefs will not amount to above 
6000 pounds sterl., which will be no new charge to the gover- 
ment further than what has been in use to be pay'd since the 
Revolution to independant company s for supressing thifts and 
depredations (which cost at least 4000 pounds), and a regia- 


ment at Inverlochie (which cost about 13000 pounds), where 
there will be no occasion for so great a garison, so that instead 
of 17000 it will cost the goverment but about 10000 thousand 
to mentain always in readiness fiftien thousand good troops, 
that can be ledd to the field at any time for the service of 
the king and country, and preserve the nation at all times 
from robries and depredations. 

11. There may be also a body of horse and dragouns form''d 
without much charge to the goverment. There is no Lord 
nor gentelman who have esteats, who have not according to 
their circumstances severall horse for themselves and servants 
beside coach and work horses that severall of them keep. They 
all to be oblidged to have most of these horses fit for mounting 
of cavalrie, which will be no more charge to them in keeping 
than the horses they used to keep, and not much more in the 
first buying. The masters and servants to be oblidged to 
mount these horses at certain times, and to go to the places of 
rendezvous where the officers for the horse should teach them 
the exercise and service, which officers will be often those 
masters themselves, 

12. By the esteablishment of the Militia in this good order 
Edinburgh and the other great towns of the Kingdome will 
not find it necessary to have trained bands or toun guards, so 
that expence may be better emploied in buying of horses to 
be given to the sons of the richest tradsmen of the different 
towns, and five or sixpence a day for nurishing and mentaining 
of them. They themselves would be willing to be at the rest 
of the charge for haveing the use of the horses. 

By these means the noblemen, gentelmen, and Burgesses of 
the great towns may furnish a body of four thousand good 
horse or Dragouns with their officers all well mounted. 

13. The ffarmers almost over all Scotland have some horses 
for their labour and tilage. Each fFarmer to be oblidged to 
have one or two of these horses fit for the horse service, 
which will cost but a little more at first buying than they 
pay at present, and they to be allowed twopence a day for each 
horse they so keep. This would be such an encouragment 
that they would do it willingly and mentain them in good con- 
dition, if they were payM this small pay exactly for at the 


same time tliey would have the use of these horses for labour 
and tilage, and being stronger than formerly they would work 
the more. The fFarmers or their sons and servants to mount 
these horses and attend the days of rendezvous for learning the 
exercise, and they likewise to be uniformly cloathed as the foot 
militia by the same way. 

All or most of the comons being by this to be of the 
militia one way or other those fFarmers or their sons would 
picgue themselves on being on horseback, by which they would 
think themselves a kind of gentelmen, which together with the 
pay would make each of them run faster than another into 
keeping such horses ; and for a further encouragment the 
goverment to be oblidged to pay the loss of all these horses 
killed in the publick service, and all the regiaments of horse 
(into which they should be formed) to have full pay in the 
time of war. ffor makeing this charge easie to the state, in 
place of keeping on foot three thousand regular troops, as since 
the revolution, after the esteablishing of the militia as above, 
fiftien hundred regular and standing forces may be enough to 
be kept always on foot, and the pay of the other fiftien hundred 
will according to this scheme mentain about eight thousand 
Dragouns among the ffarmers. 

It were good to give the horsemen curasses and helmets or 
head-pices (as Cromwell did, which thereafter gave them mostly 
the advantage over the king's forces, which they seldome had 
before), and it would be but the first charge of buying them to 
the goverment, they to whom they were given being to be 
accountable for them. 

14. It would be of great advantage to have a Royall 
accademie for rideing, fenceing, danceing, and the exercise of 
armes esteablished at Edinburgh for the youth of the Kingdome, 
and it would soon become the mode and ffashion for all to go 
to it, in place of writeing chambers, and of much more use 
to their king and country. 

By this project Scotland may soon save fourty or fifty 
thousand, have troops without engadging the publick to much 
newer extraordinary charges for the service of the king and 
country within the island, beside the five thousand in fFrance, 
which could soon be made up ten thousand more should there 
be occasion. 


15. Scotland is a very proper country for breeding of good 
and usefull horses, so that all ways should be taken for encour- 
ageing and promoting of it there. 

By the scheme a great part of the nobility, gentry, and 
comons would necessarily pass some of their time in fFrance, 
and would become as of that country, by which the ancient 
friendshipe betwixt the tuo nations would be renewed, fortified, 
and augmented. 

ffrance might have also from Irland five thousand men 
always in its pay and service, and, upon extraordinary occa- 
sions, twenty thousand more, so that ffrance might have when 
she pleases fourty thousand good troops from these two 
countrys, which would necessarily be as faithfuU to her as her 
own, without her paying more ordinarily and in time of peace 
than ten thousand. 

What a source of auxiliary troops is this for a nation which 
is attacqued often by so many jealous neighbours ! ffor a 
nation whose glorie and splendor is envy'd by all, ffor a nation 
who can scarce want any other alyance but that of the King of 
great Britain restored upon the foot here proposed ? 




Paris, Sept. 29, 1723. 
Sir, — About a month ago, I mentioned to yourself and Mr. 
Hay my being about a thing which I hoped would prove the 
best service I ever did you, and in my last by the post, I 
promist to give you a full account of it by this sure occasion. 
I think the best way of doing it is, to send you a copie of the 
paper itself; and it is here enclosed, with the copie I wrote 
along with it, to H.R.H. the Duke of Orleans, which Mr. Dillon 
did me the favour to deliver some days ago. 

Your Maj. will see that you are no ways comitted by it, 
the thing being entirely from myself, and it was with a view 
to this that I presumed to go about it without your knowledge 
or alowance. 

Should this project chance to come to light before the due 
time by any cross unforseen accident, nobody can take offence 
at your Maj. upon the account of it, and since I conceive it 
so much for the interest of my lawfull Prince and native country, 
any risque I can run is a pleasur. 

I have had this project long in my head, and it has been 
matter of great regrait to me that I could not sooner lay it 
before the ffrench Ministry, but as long as Cardinal Dubois 
lived, who was so close linckt with the goverment of England, 
there was no venturing a thing of that kind, It has now 


pleased God to remove that Impediment, as I hope he soon 
will whatever else stands in your way. So I thought there 
was no time to be now lost in laying it before the Duke of 
Orleans, who has plainly so much interest in the thing, that it 
is nixt to a certainty that he will make no bad use at least 
of it. 

It is not to be expected, let him relish the project ever so 
much, that he can enter immediately into the execution of it. 
He has been long persueing other measurs, and it will take 
him some time to get free of them ; but being once possest of 
this scheme, as I hope he now will, he may find an opportunity 
sooner than he or we think of to relise himself of the em- 
barasses that are now upon him, and to enter heartily into 
measurs for y'' Maj^ Restoration, which appears by this project 
(that I am persuaded is quite new to him) so much for his own 
interest and that of ffrance. 

One thing I may venture to say that if any thing be capable 
to make ffrance seriously take to heart your restoration, it is 
this, and if ever they go about it, it will be on this foot, which 
I take to be the only solid one for the interest and security of 
your ffamilie. 

His Royall Highness received the pacquet very graciously 
as Mr. Dillon tells me. He read my letter immediately before 
him, and said that he expected no more should be let into this 
affair than those mentioned in my letter, and that nobody 
should know of it for him, nor would he part with the papers 
out of his own keeping. He said that the Memoriall was long, 
and that he would take a time to read it by himself and think 
of it seriously, and would then speak of it to Mr. Dillon. 

Some days after that Mr. Dillon seeing him at his levie in 
town, the Duke of Orleans said to him that he supposed he 
should soon see him at Versailles, which looks as if he had read 
the Memoriall and was not displeased with it, but Mr. Dillon 
being to go there one of these days I shall soon know what 
he says upon the matter, of which you shall be informed.^ 

I had wrote to the Duke of Orleans some time before, that 

1 Unfortunately for the success of the project, the Duke died before Mr. 
Dillon could see him. 


haveing a designe of putting my son into the fFrench service, I 
beg'd a comission of Capt. Reformd for him in Links regia- 
ment. Mr. Dillon, after speaking to him of the other affair, put 
him in mind of this, tho' he told him he had no comission from 
me for so doing, as indeed he had not. His R. H. was pleased 
to say, after talking some time of it, that he was asham'd it 
had been so long delayed, but desired that he might tell me that 
it was agreed to, and that in time he would make up the delay. 
He then desired Mr. Dillon to speak of it to M. Bretuile, the 
secretary of war, that he might prepare the comission. 

This I take to be no bad signe for the other affair, which 
make me much the more pleased with it. 

My chife view in putting my son into the ffrench service 
there is to fitt him the more to be of use to you and yours. 
Sir, and the service of his country, where I hope he will in 
time distinguish himself by his endeavours for esteablishing and 
supporting the Royall ffamily, and be ufore successful than his 
ffather has been. But I have the satisfaction of knowing that 
the best endeavours I could use have not been wanting as they 
never shall, and I still hope that I may be so happie as to see 
your Maj. on your thron, and the greatest pleasur I have in 
life is the hopes I have of contributing still to your Restora- 
tion, and by that to the relief of our native opprest country. 
Soon may that time come, and that all happiness may ever 
attend you and yours are the constant prayers of him who is 
with all submission. Sir, y'^Maj.^ most faithful, most obedient, 
and most humble subject and servant, (Sic sub.) Mar. 

P.S. — As I was writing what 's above, I had a visit from 
Lord Southesque,^ who is to be the bearer of this, tho he knows 
nothing of the contents; and speaking of your Maj.^ situation 
he mentioned a thing to me which I think worth the while of 
adding in this postscripts It is a mariage for the Prince, your 
son, with the Duke of Orleans"'s youngest daughter, who is 
betwixt five and six years old. Marying great folks very young 
is become now to be very much the custome, and why may it 
not be done for the Prince as well as for others ? He can 

^ James, fifth earl. He engaged in the affair of 17 15, whereby his estates 
were forfeited and himself exiled. 



never have a match in Europe more suitable to his quality, 
and the difference of their ages is so small that it is but a 
small objection to it. The advantages of this aliance are as 
great as can be, and I doubt not if it were mentioned to the 
Duke of Orleans by one well authorized of its being well 
received, and of its being a great inducement for his comeing 
into the scheme and project inclosed. You'll be pleased to 
think of it, Sir, and I shall be glad to know your thoughts on 
the subject.^ 

CopiE OF L° Mar's letter to R. H. the Duke of 
Orleans incloseing the Memoriall.^ 

MoNSEiGNEUR, — Je dcmaude tres humblement pardon a votre 
altesse Royal de Timportuner de nouveau de mes lettres, Je 
ne prens la liberte de luy presenter ce Memoire, que par le 
desire ardent que j'ay detre en quelque maniere utile a la 
Nation ifran^oise autrefois Tamie et Tallie fidelle de TEcosse 
et de voir mon Prince legitime retably et ma Patrie reunie avec 
la ffrance d\me maniere stable et advantageuse pour Tune et 
pour Tautre Nation. 

Je supplie instament V. A. R. de vouloir bien se donner la 
peine de lire ce que j'ay Thoneur de luy envoyer et je me flatte 
qu'elle y trouverra quelque chose de nouveau. II contient un 
Project qui pourra etre un jour utile a la ffrance aussy bien qua 
mon Prince et ma patrie. 

II nappartient qua votre A. R. de savoir les temps et les 
momens quelle voudra bien entreprendre quelque chose de 
cette nature, Je ne dois faire la dessus aucune question, mais 
je me trouverrois infiniment heureux si je voyois ariver ce jour, 
et si J'avois quelque part a Texecution de ce project par les 
ordres de V. A. R. 

Cest a elle seule que je confie ce Memoire, conessant la 

1 It is not known what the thoughts of the Prince were ; but it is not unhkely 
that the Duke would have consented to the match if he had lived. 

2 From the circumstance of General Dillon's having done the English of this 
letter and the following Memorial into French it would appear that Lord Mar 
was not acquainted with the French language. The aforementioned fact is 
doubtless quite sufficient to account for the numerous blunders which appear in 
Lord Mar's manuscript. 


generosite de ses sentimens. Si ce projet etoit vu par quelque 
anglois, quoique raeme naturalize en ffrance, la chose pouroit 
transpirer et eela pouroit rendre la nation angloise moins zele 
pour le retablissment de sa Roy legitime quelle ne Test a 

Je crois ce papier sur entre les mains de V. A R. Je 
connois la fidelite de celuy qui la traduit et transcrit et celle 
du porteur est assez conue a V. A. R. 

Je fais cette demarche a Tinseu du Roy mon Maitre, mais si 
V. A. R. goute le project je ne desespere pas de pouvoir 
engager saMajeste de I'envoyer ici des pouvois necessaires pour 
conclure cette affaire, — J'ay Thoneur d'etre avec un tres profond 
respect, Monseigneur V. A. R. le tres humble et tres obeisant 
serviteur. {Sic Sub.) Le Due de Mar. 

J Paris le Sep''-' 1723. 

Translation of the foregoing letter from L'^ Mar to the Duke 
of Orleans : — 

Monseigneur, — I humblie ask pardon of your Royal Highness for 
importuning you again with my letters. I only take the liberty of pre- 
senting your Highness with this Memoriall from the ardent desire I have 
of being in some measure servicable to the ffrench nation, formerly the 
faithfull friend and ally of Scotland, and of seeing my lawfull Prince 
restored and my country reunited to ffrance, in a maner firm and 
advantageous to both countries. 

I beseech your R. H. to give yourself the trouble of reading what I 
have the honour to send you. I flatter myself you will find something 
new in it ; it contains a project that may one day be of service to 
ffrance, as well as to my king and country. 

It only belongs to your R. H. to know the proper time when you 
would undertake an affair of this nature. I am not to ask any questions 
upon that head ; but I should think myself infinitely happie if I should 
live to see the day when this should happen, and I should have any share 
in the execution of this project by the comands of your R. H. 'Tis to 
you alone I confide this iVIemoriall, knowing the generosity of your 
sentiments. Were this scheme seen by any Englishman, tho' naturalized 
in ffrance, the business might take air, and it might make the English 
nation less jealous for the restoring of their lawfull king than they are 
at present. 

I belive this paper will be safe in the hands of your R. H. I know 
the fidelity of him who translated and transcribed it ^ and the character of 
the bearer ^ is sufficiently knowen to your R. H. I make this step un- 

^ General Dillon. - Lord Southesk. 


knowen to the king my master; but if your R. H. should approve this 
scheme I don't despair of prevailing on his Maj. to send the necessary 
powers' to conclud this affair. -I have the honour of being with the 
profoundest respect, Monseigueur, Your R. H.'s most humble and most 
obedient servant. {Sic sub.) 

Le Dug De Mar. 


Orleans from L^ Mar. 

A son Altesse Roy ale 

Monseigneur Le Due UOrleans. 
Memoire sur L'Interet de la France par raport UEcosse a 
L'Angleterre et Flrlande. 

Le Desein de ce Memoire est d'examiner s'il est de Tlnteret 
de la France, de Retablier le Roy Jacques ou d'acquiescer a 
raffermisement du Roy George et de sa Maison sur le Trone 
d'angleterre, etc. 

Ce n'est pas sans raison que les anglois pretend ent tenir la 
Ballance de UEurope, dans leurs mains, et pouvoir la pancher 
de tel cote quils voudront par leurs forces surmer et sur Terre. 

II ya long temps que la maison d'autiriche, et ses allies on 
fait une tritte experience, de cette verite. lis avaient eprouve 
pendant la premiere guerre D'Holland en 1672, quil ne 
saffisoit pas que L'Angleterre retat dans la Neutralite comme 
elle avoit fait durant le Regne de Charles 2nd et pendant les 
quatre premieres annees du Regne du Roy Jaques son Frere. 
Dans cet Intervalle, La France prit autant de villes qu'elle en 
assiegea, et remporta autant de victoires qu elle donna de 

C'est ce qui determina les Imperiaux assembles a Auxbourg 
a fair tout leur possible pour engager le feu Roy Jacques 
d'entrer avec eux dans une Eigne contre la France. Les am- 
bassadeurs de UEmpereur, de UEspagne et D'Hollande qui 
etoient alors a Londres firent d'abord tons leurs efforts pour 
gagner ce Prince par les Insinuations mais voyant qu il etoit 
hiflexible, Les Hollandois (comme il avoit etre concerte a 
Auxbourg) preterent des Troups et des vaisseaux au Prince 
d'Orange pour envader KAngleterre. Cest ainsy que Tattache- 


ment da Roy Jaques pour la France luy couta en quelque 
fa(^on sa couronne. 

Apres que ce Prince eut etc, depossede de ses etats, quel 
changement n'arriva pas dans les affair de France par le 
jonction des Troupes angloises avec celles des Imperiaux? a 
quelles extremites ne fut elle pas reduite pendant le cours d'une 
longue guerre qui prodiga le sang de ses sujets, qui epuisa les 
Tresors du Roy, et qui diminua beaucoup L'etendue de 
L'Empire Francois ? 

Depuis Favenement du Roy George a la couronne la paix a 
subsiste entre la France et la Grande Britagne parcque ce 
Prince n'avoit point d'autre nioyen pour le maintenir sur le 
Trone, que par I'amitie et par la Protection d'un voisin aussy 
puisant que le Roy de France. Mais cette alliance est elle 
ou pent elle demurer long temps affermie ? 

La Maison D'Autriche et les Princes Allemans son les 
ennemis et les Rivaux naturelles de la grandeur Fran^oise, Les 
Desire secrets et les pretextes specieux ne leur manqueront 
jamais pour attaquer la France sur tout tandis quelle sera 
Maitresse D'Alsce et de Strasbourg, 

En cas dune Rupture semblable quel party prendra le Roy 
George ? II est electeur de L'Empire. II prefer sagment ses 
Etats Heriditaires et ceaux qu'il a nouvellement acquis en 
Allemagne au Royaume D'Angleterre, ou il se voit meprise luy 
meme et sa famile en Horreur. It est done naturel de croire 
qu'il s'unira contre la France et qu'il entrainnera avec luy 
L'Angleterre tandis qu'il ensera la maitre. 

Ce ne seroit pas de meme si le Roy Jaques remontoit sur son 
Trone. Ce Prince n''a acunes mesures a garder avec L'Empereur, 
nul lieu, nulle obligation ne Fattache a FAllemagne, ni a acun 
Prince que pourvoit devinir FEnnemy de la France mais il a 
un Interet puisant de cultiver Famitie du Roy tres Chretian 
comrae on verra bientot. 

On objectera peutetre que le Pari. d'Angleterre pourroit 
forcer le Roy malgre ses inclinations et ses interets de se declarer 
contre la France, dememe il est de son interet et de luy de ses 
Heritiers d'etre dans une telle situation qu'ils ne soyent jamais 
contraints de ceder aux humeurs cajiricieuses que le Pari, anglois 
pourroit avoir pour troubler cette unnion. 


Ce Pari, a diminue Tautorite et les Prerogatives de la cou- 
roume. II a empiete sur les droits et sur les priveleges des 
Royaumes d'Ecosse et dlrland. II a aneanty le Pari, de Fune 
en Tincorporant depuis peu avec le sien. II tient depuis longues 
annees le Pari, de Fautre dans sa dependance. II veut tout 
gouverner par ses propes councils. Les deux autres nations en 
gemissent, et ne cherchent qu'a secourer le joug. 

De plus le peuple anglois est ennemy et rival de la grandeur 
Fran^oise autant que les Princes Allemandes. II a ete nourry 
pendant plusiers siecles par des guerres presque continuelles 
dans une haine inveteree contre la fFrance. 

Voila les causes du Mai. II parroit d'abord que le moyen le 
plus prop re d'y remedier est d'entretenirtouj ours en Angleterre 
une armee mais rien ne servoit plus dangereux pour la maison 
de Stuart ne plus incompatible avec le genie anglois. 

Le seul Remede efficace et salutaire est de Retablier les 
Royaumes d'Ecosse et dlrlande dans leur ancienne Liberte et 
independance du Royaume et du Pari. D'Angleterre. Par la 
ces deux Royaumes egaleroient L'Angleterre en force, II seroit 
de leur interet de sustenir leur Roy Legitime contre Thumeur 
altiere des anglois et il seroit de son Interet de les soutenir 

Par la les Roys D' Angleterre seroient plus puissans, plus 
libres, plus maitres d'eux memes pour suivre leur Interets et 
leurs Inclinations et en meme temps plus obliges que jamais a 
conserver une union inviolable avec la France. Cest elle seule 
qui pent par sa force et par son voisinage maintenir sur le 
Trone d' Angleterre un Roy catolique et un Roy que sera 
toujours expose (independament de sa religion) aux Brigues, 
aux caballes et aux troubles qui arrivent souvent depuis temps 
immemorial dance ce Royaume et qui semblent naitre comme 
dans Tancienne Rome de la Forme de son gouvernment, ou 
sous preterite de soutenir la liberte du peuple on attaque 
souvent Tautorite des Roys. 

Par la TEcosse et Flrlande s'attacheront naturellement au Roy 
tres Chretien comme au guardien de leur Liberte, et de cette 
fa^on ces Royaumes luy seroient plus utiles que si lun d'eux 
luy appartenoit. Un Roy d' Angleterre avec trois Pari, anisey 
Independans dont deux auroint toujours un interet essentiel de 


menager la France seroit un allie tres utile a la nation Fran- 
9oise laquelle seroit a jamais afFranchie des craintes ou elle 
a toujoLirs ete de ses anciens ennemis et rivaux Les Anglois. 

Par la enfin tous les Traittes Desadvantageux que la France 
a fait avec L"'Angleterre depuis la Revolution pourient etre 
aneantis et la France entrevoit dans tous les droits dont elle 
jouissoit sous le Regne de Jaques ^'^. 

Pour eftectuer ce changement on propose qu'il y ait une 
ligue offensive et defensive entre sa Maj. tres Chretienne et le 
Roy Jaques et que par cette ligue II soit stipule : 

1. Que le Roy de France fera tout son possible pour retablir 
Le Roy Jaques sur le Trone de ses ancetres en luy fournissant 
des Troupes, des amies des vaisseaux et generalement tout ce 
que sera necessaire pour faire une Descent. Que le Roy Jaques 
sera oblige de payer et d'entretenir ces troupes a ses depens 
huit jours apres qu'elles seront descendlies dans la grande 
Bretagne et que les frais de cette expedition seront rembourses 
par le Roy D'Angleterre apres son Retablissement. 

2. Que le Roy Jaques sera oblige par le dit Traitte de 
Retablir Les Royaumes d'Ecosse et d'Irlande dans leur ancienne 
Liberte et dans leur Independance du Royaume du Pari, et 
des conseils D'Angleterre pour etre gouvernes dans les propres 
Pari de ces deux Royaumes, et quel essentiel de ces Lois sera 
concerte et arrete avant que les Troupes fran^oises quittent la 
grande Bretagne. 

3. Que le Roy Jaques sera oblige de fournir au Roy de France 
cinq mille homnies des troups Ecossoises et autant d''Irlandois 
et meme le Double si le Roy tres Chretiene le demande, que la 
Roy de France sera oblige d'entretenir ces troupes a ses depens 
que leurs officiers receveront de luy leurs comissions, mais qu'ils 
seront recommandes par le Roy Jaques et par ses Heritiers 
legitimes et que les dites troupes auront permission de retourner 
dans la grande Bretagne quand le Roy D'Angleterre les 
demandera mais dans les temps et de la maniere dont il sera 
convenu avec le Roy tres Chretien par les articles du Traitte. 

4. Enfin que le dit Traitte a tout ce que y aura du rapport 
sera ratifie et confirme pour avoir Parlemens D'Ecosse D'Angle- 
terre et D'Irlande avant (jue les troupes ffran9oises sortent de 
ces Royaumes. 


II seroit impossible d'executer les articles de ce traitte si on 
le disseroit jusqua ce que le Roy Jaques fut remonte sur son 
Trone. Ce Prince seroit alors entre les mains des anglois qui 
s'opposeroient a ce projet avec vigeur, et il n'oseroit y con- 
sentir mais tout sera facile de la maniere qu'on la propose. 

Les Anglois ne pourroient pas se plaindre avec Raison de ce 
que le Roy auroit recompense la fidelite de la nation Ecosse et 
Irlandoise en les retablissant dans leurs premiere Indepen- 
dance. L'Ecosse jouissoit de cette Liberte il n'y a pas long 
temps et PAngleterre est deja lasse de Tunion derniere qu'elle a 
fait avec cette nation. Quoique les Irlandois se soumettent 
au Roy d'Angleterre et (ju'ils luy seront toujours attaches 
cen'etait pas ce pendant pour etre les esclaves du peuple et du 
Pari, anglois. Les anglois pourront ils se plaindre de ce que 
le Roy rend justice a deux Royaumes dont il es autant le 
pere que de celuy d'Angleterre. Ne peut il pas dire aux anglois 
qu'apres les avoir sollicite pendant plus de Trente ans a le 
rappeller, ou'est effort enfin a le Retablir d'une maniere 
honorable et avantageuses pour la France son allie, pour ses 
deux Royaumes D'Ecosse et D'lrlande et pour sa Maison 
Royale, sans prejudice neamoins aux vrayes Libertes ni aux 
Loix antique du peuple anglois. 

II n'y a cun Prince etranger avec qui la France est en 
Liaison qui pourroit seblesser de ce Traitte, mais au contraire 
tons y trouverroient leurs avantages. L'Espagne sera bien 
aise de voir les Irlandois ses anciens amis, et ses allies rede- 
venir un peuple libre, pour les memes raisons que la ffrance le 
sera de voir ses anciens amis et allies les Ecossois retablis 
dans leur premiere Liberte et Independance. De plus les 
Traittes desavantageuse faits entre L'Espagne et L'Angleterre 
depuis a Revolution pourroient etre aneantis. 

Les Hollandois Rivaux des anglois pour le commerce 
seroient charmes de ce project, par ce qu'il rendrait leur 
Negoce avec L'Ecosse et L'Irlande plus facile et plus libre. 
Cela paroit evidement par le chagrin que la Republique 
d'Hollande marqua au sujet de la derniere union de TEcosse 
avec L'angleterre, 

Le Czar trouverrait ses Interets dans ce project et II y a lieu 
de croire qu'il y entrevoit, et qu'il enverroit ou des troupes en 


angleterre selon ([ue S. A. R. le jugeroit a propos, ou qu'il 
attaqueroit less etats du Roy George en allemagne dans le 
meme temps que la France seroit une descente dans la grand 

Si les Suedois songeoient a leurs Interets propres plus qua 
ceux du Prince etranger qui le gouverne, lis gouteroient ce 
projet, mais dans Fetat ou ils sont ce desein leur doit etre 
indiiFerent assy bien qu'aux Danois. 

L''Empereur et les Princes Allenians Rivaux de la France ne 
seroient pas a la verite con tens de ce project parcequil les 
priveroit du secours des anglois en cas d'une Rupture avec la 
France. Mais ils sont trop Elignes pour en empecher Texecution 
si ce n'est en fflandres ou la France pent aisement les arreter 
sur tout puisque les Hollandois ne s'y opposeroient pas. 

Si S. A. R. juge a Propos d'entrer dans ce project une 
grande flotte ne sera pas necessaire pour fair une descente en 
Angleterre. Des petits Batimens et des Batteaux de Pescheurs 
suffiroient pour transporter dans une seul nuit des troupes, des 
armes, et tout ce qu^il faut, de sorte que la flotte angloise ne 
pourroit pas empecher le Debarquement de ces troupes, cpiand 
elle sauroit leur dessein. 

Les sujets des trois Royaumes sont gcneralement mecontent 
du gouvernement et en demandent meme en angleterre, qu^un 
chef, un corps des troupes et des armes pour se Rassembler et 
pour faire un soulevement general. 

L''Ecosse est comme un seul homme pour le Roy Ja(|ues avec 
un peu de secours II s'enrendoit maitre en trois semaines et 
dans trois autres il pourroit envoyer de la une armee de quinze 
on de vingt mille hommes en Angleterre. 

Les amys du Roy Jaques en Irlande n'ont point d'armes, 
mais avec un peu de secours, Ils pourroient en peu de temps 
non seulement empecher les troupes du gouvernement present 
de passer de la dans la G. Bretagne, mais ils seroient bientot en 
etat eux memes d'envoyer des troupes en Ecosse et dans 

Pour executer done le Projet en question, II suffiroit d'en- 
voyer cinq ou sex mille hommes en Angleterre avec vingt 
mille armes : Deux mille hommes en Ecosse avec quinze mille 
armes et quatre mille hommes en Irlande avec quinze mille 


armes. Le tout en monteroit qu'a Douze mille hommes et 
cinquante mille armes avee toutes les Munitions necessaires ce 
qui est un petit object pour la ffrance. Mais si Ton trouve que 
ce soit trop, on pent ce contenter de moins, cependant ce qu'on 
propose rendroit le succes assure, 

II ne seroit pas difficile d'engager le Roy Jaques d'envoyer 
de Rome de pouvoirs a une ou deux personnes de confiance ny 
pour traiter avec eux que S. A. R. nommeroit, non seulement 
de ce qui est propose, mais de tout ce qu''elle voudroit proposer 
de sa part ou de celle de la ffrance. Le tout pourroit se faire 
avec un secret impenetrable a d'une maniere si prompte que 
le Roy Jaques pourroit etre Retably dans FEspace de deux 
mois. Pen de temps apres les articles qui regardent Tlnde- 
pendance de FEcosse et d'lrlande pourroient etre ratifies dans 
leurs Pari, des trois Royauraes. 

Par tout cecy les desseins que S. A. R. pent avoir ne seroient 
ni deconcertes ni retarde's, au contraire, lis reussiroient mieux 
apres le Retablissement d'un allie sur et puissant dont les vues 
ne pourroient etre necessairement que celles de S. A. R. Quelle 
gloire Immortelle pour elle d'avoir acheve un ouvrage que 
Louis le grand n'a pas pu consomraer nonobstant ses efforts 
redoubles ! 

Par la S. A. R. se rendroit a jamais chere a la France, a 
FEcosse a FIrlande, a trois nations qui y trouverroient leurs 
Interets, et des avantages dans tons les siecles a venir. Par 
la Elle se reandroit "chere a la Maison Royale de Stuart, a la 
meilleure et la plus grande partie de la nation Angloise, Par 
la elle avoit seule Fhonneur d'avoir repare les injures faites a 
la Majeste dans la personne d\ui Roy qui est comme Elle petit 
ffils de Henry le grand. 

Sir S. A. R. croit avoir des Raisons pour ne pas entrer dans 
ce projet, ou pour en differer Fexecution, Les amis du Roy 
Jaques n''ont d'autre ressourse que de Fentreprendre par eux 
memes, avec le concours de leur Roy qui y entrera volontiers. 

L'oppression est parvenlie a son comble elle ne pent aug- 
menter qu'en les auctissant. Le government medite a desarmer 
tout fait les Ecossois et a les accabler par ce nouvelles Taxes 
comme on a fait le Catoliques et les non jurans en Angleterre. 
Les Proscriptions regnent part tout, Que n'entreprendra pas un 


peuple desespere, pousse a bout et resolu de perir, ou de savoir 
la Labite ? 

S'il succombe sous poids de ses malheurs ou s'il s'en delivre 
tout seul, quels regrets n'aura pas La France d'avoir manque 
une occasion si felicitant de former une alliance stable et advan- 
tageuse avec le Roy d'angleterre et en meme temps de se 
mettre a libre d'un peuple et d'un Pari, que depuis plusieurs 
siecles sont jaloux de la gloire de nom Francois. 

N.B. — The following paragraph of the Memoriall forgot in 
the copying : — II est par consequent Tinteret de La France 
d'avoir toujours Tangleterre, pour son allie, mais quels sont les 
moyens les plus surs d'afFermir cette alliance. 

The forgoing Memorial and letter to the Duke of Orleans 
haveing been sent by Mr. Hay to the Bishope of Rochester, 
D^^^* Attesbury, as soon as Mr. Hay returnd to the King, from 
the copie his Maj. had from L° Mar, it was by the Bishope's 
directions printed at London in fFrench and English an. 1728, 
dispersed there, and severall copies of it sent into ffrance at 
Thizy [.?], intending to make Lord Mar odious to the English, 
without the least regard to the prejudice the publishing of it 
might have to the king he pretends to serve, his affairs, or the 
jealousies it may put betwixt the two nations. 

Translation of the foregoing Memoriall to His Roy all Highness 
the Duke of Orleans. 

Memorial touching the interest of ffrance with respect to 
Scotland, England, and Ireland. 

The design of this Memoriall is to examine whether it be most for the 
interest of ffrance to esteablish King James, or to acquiesce in the settle- 
ment of King George and his ffamily, on the Throne of England, etc. 

It is not without reason that the English pretend to hold the Ballance 
of Europe in their hands, and to be able to incline it to what side they 
please by reason of their strength by land and sea. 

'Tis now a long time since the House of Austria and its allies have 
made a melancholy experience of this truth. They found during the 
first Dutch war in 1672, that it was not sufficient England should remain 
in a state of neutrality, as she did during the reign of King Charles 2"<^, 


and during the first four years of the reign of his brother. King James ; 
for in the interval France took as many towns as they beseig'd, and 
obtained as many victories as she fought battles. 

It was this that determined the Imperialists assembled at Ausburgh to 
do all tliat was possible to engage the late King James to enter into an 
alliance with them against France. The ambassadors of the Emperor of 
Spain and of Holland, who were then at London, at first made all their 
efforts to gain over that Prince by insinuations ; but finding that he was 
inflexible, the Hollanders (as it had been concerted at Ausburgh) lent 
troops and ships to the Prince of Orange to invade England. It was 
thus that the attachment of King James to France in some measure cost 
him his crown. 

After the Prince had been disposessed of his Dominions, what a chance 
did there happen in the affairs of France, by the joining of the English 
and Imperial forces .'' To what extremities was she not reduced, during 
the course of a long war which exhausted her blood and treasure and 
mightily reduced the extent of her Dominions .'' Consequently, it is the 
interest of fFrance always to have England for its ally ; but what are 
the surest means of confirming this alliance ? Since the accession of 
King George to this crown, Peace has subsisted between fFrance and 
Great Britain, because that Prince had no other way of mentaining him- 
self upon the Throne, but by the friendship and protection of so powerful 
a nighbour as the King of ffrance. But can this alliance remain long 
on a sure footing ? 

The House of Austria and the Princes of Germany are the natural 
enemies and rivals of ffrench grandeur. Secret inclinations and specious 
pretences will never be wanting to them for attacking fFrance, especially 
whilst she continues mistress of Alsace and Strasburg. 

In case of a rupture what party would King George take } He is an 
elector of the Empire, and would wisely prefer his hereditary dominions, 
and those which he has lately acquired in Germany, to the Kingdom of 
England, etc., where he sees himself despised and his whole fFamilly 
hated. 'Tis therefore natural to belive he would join against fFrance, 
and would also draw England after him ^ as long as he continued master 
of it. 

But it would not be so if K. James should ascend the Throne. This 
Prince has no measurs to keep with the Emperor, no alliance, no 
obligation attaches him to Germany, nor to any Prince that may become 
an Enemy to fFrance, but he will have a powerfull interest to cultivate 
peace with his most Chris. Maj. as shall be shewn immediately. 

It may perhaps be objected, that the Pari, of England may force the 
king against his inclinations and interest to declare against ffrance, 
examples of which have often been seen. 

^ The Georges were not without reason suspected of preferring their Con- 
tinental to their British Dominions. 


As it will he the interest of King James to hold a lasting union with 
France, it will also be his interest, and that of his heirs, to be in sucli a 
situation as not to be oblidged to yield to the capricious humours which 
an English Pari, may have of disturbing that union. 

That Pari, has diminished the authority and prerogatives of the 
crown ; it has encroached u])on the rights and privileges of the Parlia- 
ments of Scotland and Ireland ; it has abolished the Pari, of the one and 
lately incorporated it witli itself, and keept tlie Parliament of the otlier 
these many years in a state of dependancy. It governs all by its own 
proper councills, the two other nations groaning and only endeavouring 
to shake off the yoke. Moreover, the people of England are enemies and 
rivals of the ffrench grandeur as much as the princes of Germany ; they 
have been bred for many ages in almost continuall wars and in an 
inveterat hatred against the ffrench. 

These are the causes of the evil. It appears at first sight that the 
proper means of remedying them is to have a standing army in England, 
but nothing would be more dangerous to the family of Stuart nor more 
disagreeable to the genius of the English. 

The only efl^ctual and wliolesome remedy is to Reestablish the King- 
domes of Scotland and Irland in their ancient Libertys, and free them 
from their dependance on the kingdome and Pari, of England. 

By this means these two nations will be equall in strength to England ; 
it will be their interest to support their lawfull King against the incon- 
stant humours of the English, and of course it will be his interest 
reciprocally to support them. Thus the Kings of England, etc., would 
become more powerfull, more free, more masters of themselves to follow 
their interest and inclinations, and at the same time would be more than 
ever oblidged to preserve an inviolable union with ffrance. 'Tis she 
alone that by her strength and nighbourhood will be able to support a 
Catholick King upon the throne of England, and a king who will be 
always exposed (independent of his religion) to the cavils, cabals, and 
troubles which time immemorial have hapned in that kingdome, where 
like ancient Rome from the form of her government, when under pre- 
tence of maintaining the Liberty of the People, the Royal authority is 
often infringed. 

Thus Scotland and Irland would be naturally attached to the most 
Christian King as the guardian of their Libertys ; and these Kingdomes 
would become more beneficial to ffrance than if one of them belong'd to 
her. A King of England with these independent Parliaments (two of 
which would have an essential interest to keep well with ffrance) must be a 
very usefull ally to the ffrench nation who would be delivered from the 
fears they have long entertained of their ancient enemies and rivals the 
English. In fine by this method all the disadvantageous treaties which 
ffrance has made with England since the Revolution might be rendered 
void, and ffrance would rest possest of all the rights which she enjoyed 
in tlie reign of King James the 2"*^. 

To bring about this change, it is proposed that there be a league 


oflPensive and defensive between his most Christian Maj. and King James, 
and by this League it shall be stipulated : 

1. That the king of ffrance shall do all that in him is possible towards 
the restoring King James to the Throne of his ancestors, by furnishing 
him with troops, amies, ships, and generally with all things that shall be 
necessary for a descent, and that King James shall be oblidged to pay 
and maintain these troops at his own expence after they shall be landed 
eight days in Great Britain ; and that the expence of the expedition 
shall be reimbursed by the King of England after his esteablishment. 

2. That King James shall be oblidged by the said treatie to settle the 
kingdomes of Scotland and Irland in their ancient priviledges and inde- 
pendant of the kingdome, Pari,, and Councils of England. To be 
governed at all times hereafter by laws made in the proper Paris, of 
those his kingdomes, and that this shall be actually agreed in and ratified 
before the fFrench troops depart great Britain. 

8. That King James shall be oblidged to furnish the king of ifrance 
with 3000 Scots and 3000 Irish troops, and even double that number, if 
his most Christian Maj. shall desire it. That the king of ffrance shall 
be oblidged to mentain these troops in his own pay. That the officers 
shall receive their comissions from him, but shall be recomended by 
King James and his lawfull heirs ; and that the said troops shall be 
permitted to return to great Britain whenever the King of England, etc. 
shall demand them, but in such time as shall be agreed upon with his 
most Christian Maj. by the articles of the said treatie. 

4. In fine, that the said Treatie, and every thing that has relation to 
it shall be ratified and confirm'd, and have the force of a law immutable 
in the three Paris, of Scotland, England, and Irland, before the ffrench 
troops shall depart those kingdomes. 

It would be impossible to execute the articles of this treatie if it should 
be deferr'd til K. James shall be esteablished upon the Throne ; That 
Prince would then be in the hands of the English who would vigorously 
oppose this project, nor would he venture to consent to it ; but all would 
be easie in the maner here proposed. The English could not in reason 
complain that the King had recompensed the fidelity of the Scots and 
Irish nations in restoring them to their ancient independancy. Scot- 
land enjoyed its liberty not long since, and England is already wearie of 
the last Union which she made with that kingdome. Although the 
Irish submitted to the King of England, and will be always attached to 
him, yet it was not to be the slaves of the people and Pari, of England. 
Could the English complain of the King's doing justice to two kingdomes, 
of which he is as much the father as he is that of England .'' Might he 
not very well tel the English that after haveing solicited more than 
thirty years to be called home an offer was at length made to him to be 
restored in a maner honourable and advantageous to France his ally, to 
his two kingdomes of Scotland and Irland and to his Royal ffamily, 
nevertheless without prejudice to the real liberties and and ancient laws 
of the people of England } 


There is no foreign Prince with whom iFrance is in alliance that could 
be injured by this Treatie ; on the contrary all would find their advantage 
by it. 

Spain would be pleased to see the Irish their ancient friends and 
allies become a free people, for the same reason that iFrance would be 
also pleased to see her ancient friends and allies the Scots re-esfciblished 
in their ancient Liberty and Independancie. Moreover^ the disadvan- 
tagous treaties made betwixt Spain and England since the revolution 
might therby be rendered void. 

The Hollanders^ who are rivals of the English in trade will be charmed 
with this project, because it would render the trafick with Scotland the 
more easie and free. This appears evidently by the disgust which the 
Republick of Holland shewd upon the union betwixt Scotland and 

The Czar will find his interest in this scheme, and there is room to 
belive he would enter into it, and that he would either send troops into 
Britain, according as H. R. H. sliould judge propei', or that he would 
attack the dominions of King George in Germany at the same time that 
ifrance should be makeing a descent upon Great Britain. 

If the Swedes would regard their own proper interest more than that 
of the foreign Prince ^ who governs them, they would relish this designe ; 
but in the condition they are in, it may be altogether indifferent to them, 
as well as to the Danes. 

The Emperor and Princes of Germany, rivals of ffrance, would not 
indeed be contented with this project, because it would deprive them of 
tlie assistance of England, in case of a rupture with iFrance ; but they 
are too far distant to hinder its execution, except in iflanders where 
iFrance might easily stop them, especially seeing the Dutch would not 
oppose it. 

If his R. H. should judge it proper to engage in this scheme, a great 
ifleet would not be necessary to make a descent upon England. Small 
barks and ifishing boats will serve to transport in one night, troops, 
armes, and every thing that shall be necessary, in so much that the 
English ifleet will not be able to prevent the sending of these forces, 
tho' they should be acquented with the Design. 

The subjects of the three kingdomes [are .''] for the most part disaiFected 
to the present government ; and even in England they require nothing 
but a comander, a body of troops and armes to assemble themselves and 
make a general riseing. 

Scotland is like one man for K. James, who with a little assistance 
might make himself master of it in three weeks, and in three more he 
would be able to send an armie of 15 or 20,000 men into England. 

The friends of K. James in Irland have no armes, but with a very 
little succour, they might be able, not only to hinder the troops of the 
present government from passing into Britain, but would be also in a, 

The King of Denmark, 


condition themselves to send troops over into Scotland and from thence 
to England. 

To execute^ therefore, the scheme in question, it would be sufficient 
to send 5 or 6000 over into England, with 20,000 arms ; 2000 men into 
Scotland with 15,000 arms, and 4000 men into Irland with 15,000 arms. 
The whole would amount to no more than 12,000 men with 50,000 arms 
and all the necessary amunition, which would be a very trifle to ifrance ; 
and if that should be thought too much, even less might serve, neverthe- 
less what is liere proposed would render the success certain. 

It would be no difficult thing to engage King James to send powers 
from Rome to one or two persons in trust for him here, to treat with 
sucli as his R. H. sliould name, not only concerning what is here pro- 
posed, but of all that may be proposed on the part of his Royall Highness 
or that of ffrance. The whole might be conducted with such impenitrable 
secrecy and in so expeditious a maner, that King James might be restored 
in the space of two months. In a little time after, the articles that 
regard the Independancy of Scotland and Irland might be ratified in 
the Paris, of the three kingdomes. 

By all this no designs which his R. H. may have will l)e either discon- 
certed or retarded ; on the contrary they will succeed the better after the 
esteablishment of so powerfull an ally, whose views must necessarily be 
the same with those of his R. H. What an immortal glory will it be to his 
R. H. to finish a work which Lewis the great was not able to compass 
notwitli standing his repeated efforts ! By this his R. H. will for ever 
endear himself to ff"rance, Scotland, and Irland, three nations who will 
find their interest and advantages in it to all ages. By this his R. H. 
will endear liimself to the ffamily of Stewart, and to the best and greatest 
part of the English nation. By this he will alone have the honour of 
repairing the injuries done to Majesty in the person of a king, who as 
well as himself, is great grandson to Hemy the Great. 

If his R. H. should think he has reasons not to enter into this project 
or to defer its execution, the fi-iends of King James have no other ex- 
pedient but to undertake it themselves with consent of their king, wlio 
will readily engage in it. Oppression is at the highest pitch, and cannot 
increase but by a total extirpation of them [it.^]. The government 
threatens entirely to disarm the Scots and to load them with new taxes, 
as the Catholicks and nonjurors have already been in England. Pro- 
scriptions abound everywhere. ^Vlien pressed to extremities, what will 
not a desperat people undertake, resolved to die or recover their liberty } 
If they sink under this weight of sufi"erings, or if they should alone 
deliver themselves, how would ifrance regret her haveing missed so 
glorious an occasion for formeing a lasting and advantageous alliance 
with the King of England, etc. , and at the same time of being freed from 
all apprehensions of a people and Pari, who have been for many ages 
jealous of the ffrench name and glory. 

LAND on the Foregoing Memorial to H.R.H. 
the late Duke of Orleans, occasioned by 
the Emberas appearing to the general Peace, 
Novemb. 1727.^ 

Should there be difficultys found in the scheme in the above- 
mentioned Memoriall with regard to the interest of King James 
and the king and kingdome of ffrance by King George being so 
well esteablished on the thron of Great Britain and the King 
of ffrance being so far engaged by treaties for the support of 
the ffamily of Hanover there, another scheme much to the 
same purpose may be form'd, which might perhaps more easily 
be brought about ; and in great measur answer the ends pro- 
posed by the Memoriall, and for the advantage of most of the 
powers concerned in the present dispute about the settlement 
of Europe. 

There is ground to belive that the late Kinff of Sweden ^ 

^ Tnis paper or pamphlet is the basis of the so-called Hanover ' Plot.' 
Burton, the historian, has the following reference to it in his History of Scotland 
(vol. ii. p. 229) : ' He (Mar) did not, however, omit such opportunities as 
occurred of plotting for his adopted cause when he conveniently could ; and so 
he appears to have communicated with Sunderland, the British Minister, a plan 
for enlarging the Elector of Hanover's continental dominions on the condition of 
his consenting to a restoration — a project about which Sunderland seems to have 
consented to hear, from the chance so afforded him of penetrating the real 
designs of the enemy.' It is said on good authority that King George himself 
was favourably impressed with Mar's scheme. 

" The design of bringing the King of Sweden into the Prince's measures is 
generally accredited to Lord Mar. Lockhart, in his Memoirs, says : ' There 
was ... a surmise that the king had some hopes of gaining the King of 



in the Design he had of re-esteablishing K. James and the 
ffamily of Stewart, about whicli he was going when he was 
unfortunately killed, did not intend to restore him to all the 
Dominions his fFather, King James, was possest of, but only to 
part of them. 

To follow out a design of this kind, the plan might be that 
K. James and his children should be restored to the kingdomes 
of Scotland and Irland, with some of the Plantations in 
America, where a great number of the natives of these two 
countrys are esteablished, and to leave England, with the other 
settlements and plantations in the East and West Indies, now 
belonging to that kingdome, to King George and his posterity. 
King James and his lawfull heirs might perhaps be happier by 
this than his predecessors ever were by the possession of the 
three kingdomes. King George and his heirs could have no 
reason to complain, since they would therby get the peacable 
and sure possession of the valuable and rich kingdome of Eng- 
land ; and that to be confirmed to them by a renounciation by 
King James and his children, as King George and his should 
renounce to them the other two kingdomes, etc., as above, all 
to be guaranted by the Emperor, ffrance, Spain and Holland, 
and the King of Sardinia his queen and his son as next heirs in 
blood to King James and his children, which powers would all 
find their accounts by it. 

England ought not in justice to complain of this division, 
since by it they would be more surly delivered from their fears 
of the Pretender, as they call him, than ever they can other- 
wise be. All their comerce, trade, and most of their planta- 
tions would be left to them in place of Irland (which sub- 
mitted to the king and not to the people of England) the 

Sweden to espouse his cause ; and the first noltice therof to be depended upon 
was a letter from the Duke of Mar to Captain Straiton which he directed to be 
communicated to the Bishop of Edinburgh, the Lord Balmerino, and myself, 
wherin he signify'd that if 5 or 6000 boles of meal would be purchased by the 
king's friends and sent to Sweden, where there was then a great scarcity, it 
would be of great service to the king. But we foresaw so many difficulties in 
raising a sum sufficient for it, and withal so impracticable to collect and embark 
such a quantity of meal without being discouvered and creating some suspicion 
in the government, that we could not think of undertaking it with any hopes of 
succesi (vol. ii. p. 7). 


Dominions of King George in Germany would depend on 

This division would be agreeable to the people of Scotland 
and Irland, who are both of one stock. A ffederal union to be 
esteablished at the same time between these two kingdomes, by 
which the laws and seperat Parliaments of both to be reserved, 
which would be much more advantagous to these two countrys 
than any kind of conjunction with England. 

Neither King James nor King George will never willingly 
and of their own accord agree to this Division, the one think- 
ing he has an hereditary right to the whole, and the other 
being in posession of all ; but it would be easie for the powers 
above mentioned to oblidge them to it, since the people of 
Scotland and Irland would gladly assist in bringing it about 
when they see these powers interest themselves heartily in the 
affair, which they might do witliout any danger to themselves 
or disturbance to the affairs of Europe, but on the contrair 
very much for its tranquility. 





Romc,ffeb. 5'\ 1719. 
Sire, — I think it my duty and incvunbent on me at this time, 
when y"^ Majesty may be in England before I have the happiness 
of seeing you again, to lay before you for y'^ own privat use what 
occurrs to me by my haveing been a considerable time in business 
there, w'=^ gave me opportunitys of knowing things and persons 
that y'^ Majesty cannot possiblie have til some time after y"^ arivall, 
and I offer this to y"" Majesty w'' all submission as the best service 
I am capable of rendring you at this junctur. 

As the Church of England and the party that goes by its name, 
w'^'^ is now calld Torys, are the Majority of the people, so have they 
ever been the supporters of the Crown, and y"^ Majesty will find by 
supporting and countenancing of them that you will have a quiet 
and happie reine. 

Y'^ Royall unckle King Charles found the fatall consequences, as 
the late King y'^ ffather and y'" Majesty have dearly since, of his 
neglecting those at his restoration who had been most zealous for 
him and the royall cause and preferring in too partiall and eminent 
a way those who had been otherways in hopes by that to gain 

Y*" Majesty possesses the charactaristick of y"^ ffamily, Good 
nature, gentelness of temper and reddyness to forgive, y^ showing 
that to those who have opposed you and forgetting the Injurys 
they have done to the King y"" ffather and y*" self when they come 
to alter their wayes is becomeing a great Prince, and the doing so 
will be I know no pain to you, but justice and equity require that 
those who have suffred so long for you and been instrumentall in 
y'' service, should find the first fruits of y"" favours in haveing y' 


countenance in the first place and being principally consulted and 
advised with in y'^ affairs, this will encourage and confirme y"^ 
friends and lessen y*" eniraies, w'^'^ is the way to establish you and 
y"" posterity upon the thron. 

Some exceptions thei-e must be w* regard to fitt persons and of 
experience and knowledge in business to be emploied under you, 
when there are not such to be found of the party you emploie, w'='^ 
is often the case there and I belive eveiy whei*e. And should it 
be so when y*" Majesty comes to be restord, alow me to informe 
you of one who In ray humble oppinion is one of the most proper 
to serve you as one of y'^ principal ministers. It is Mr. Henry 
Boyle, unckle to the present Earle of Burlingtone and who is now 
call'd L*^* Carleton. He has been always what they call a moderat 
man as to partys, but more Tory than whigg. When he was in the 
Secretary office in y'' Sister's time, no body ever did the business 
better in it, and there was no body of whom that great minister, 
L*^ Godolphin, had a better oppinion. He had very good under- 
standing and an agreeable temper and no man is easier in concert 
of business. He has always been well w*' the Duke of Ormond, 
tho not of his principall advisers and I belive wou'd still be agi-ee- 
able to him. Mr. Boyle was once a great friend of Mr. Primroses 
and it was much against his will that he quitted his emploiment at 
the change of L'^ Godolphins ministry when all those w* whom he 
had served were turnd out, yet he acted a veiy moderat part after- 
wards. He avoided being of the new Pari, and was very well w* 
Mr. Primrose and the then ministry tho not in business w* them, for 
yfCh. Ld Marleborough and the whigg party have never yet forgiven 
him. It is true he has been made a Peer by George, but has never 
gone into their extravagant and violent measurs. He was long 
Chancelor of the Exchequer and sub treasurer, so is well seen in 
the affairs of the treasury and funds w* are very intricat, and I 
verily belive there are not two men in England who are more 
capable to advise y'^ Majesty in those important affaii's than he and 
L'^ Bingly who served in L^^ Oxfords time in the same post, and 
they could be helpfull one to another. Mr. Boyle was never one 
of those for bringing the power of the Crown too low and by the 
reputation he has generally got, the people wou'd have confidence 
in him that might make him very usefull to you. Upon the whole 
he is well worth gaining to y^ intrest w*^*^ I belive will be no diffi- 
cult work. 

As I have said, it is highly reasonable and for y'^ intrest that 
those who have appeard most zealous for y'^ service hitherto 


when y'' affairs were at the lowest should be most regarded and 
first emploied in the eminent posts by y'^ Majesty. Mr. Rigg has 
undoubtedly a very good claim on this respect as well, as on 
account of his eminent parts, to have such distinguishing marks of 
y'^ favour bestowd on him in his way, as y"^ Majesty shall judge 
proper. And I hope you may be able to contrive it so that Mr. 
Boyle wou'd not be disagreeable to him, as I know he wou'd have 
been very acceptable to y"^^ friend the Duke of Shrewsbery had it 
pleased God to have alowd him to see y"^ restoration, w'^^ he so 
much wisht for. 

L^ Bingly had always a warme side for y^ Majesty, and when y' 
business shall once begin to go well when you come to England, 
as I hope in God it soon will, you want but to lay y^ comands 
on him. 

As to Scotland, I hope I may be so happie to be w* y'' Majesty 
at furthest before the time of y'^ settling y'" affairs there, when I 
shall lay my thoughts of them humblie before you, so all I will 
trouble y"^ Majesty w* at this time in relation to them is in generall, 
that notwithstanding of y'^ Restoreing that y"^ ancient Kingdome to 
its old constitution and forme of Goverment, by reliving it from 
the Union, w'^'^ by experience has proved so grivous, yet so long as 
Presbitry is the esteablisht goverment of the Church there, you 
can never riene peacablie nor be in quiet. Esteablishing the 
Church there as it is in England w* the like toleration to those who 
cannot comply w* it, will in time make y"^ affairs there easie and 
them a happie people w* that and the encouragments y^" Majesty 
may other wayes give them as to their trade, etc., Avithout any loss 
to y'^ Kingdome of England ; But the sooner after y'^ restoration 
you endeavour what shall be found just and reasonable that way, 
the more easily you will get it done, because the doing of it will 
in some measur depend on England. 

You will have little difficulty in getting a Parliament in Scotland 
that will settle that country in that just way y'^ Majesty will pro- 
pose, nor will you want fitt people to serve you there. 

I know thers no occasion for my recomending the Highlanders 
to y' Majesty, you have seen and know them and the great atach- 
ment they have had to y'^ family. By encourageing of them and 
giveing them armes and some reasonable alowance to their chifes 
and superiours and preventing their being oprest by those who have 
jurisdictions over them until y'' Majesty shall think fitt to purchess 
them w* were much y*' intrest to do, will cost but little expence 
and trouble, nothing in Scotland or from it can ever hurt you. It 


will save y' keeping any troops there but a few gards and garrisons 
and be of no burthen to the country. 

I beg y'^ Majesty may pardon this presumption and may you 
soon have occasion for putting things^ or what are better in 

[Indorsed] D. Mar. Feb. 4. and 5. 1719. 




Edited by 


The writer of the following letters was the only child of 
Duncan Macvicar and Catharine Mackenzie, his wife, and was 
born in Glasgow in the year 1755, Her father's family 
belonged to Craignish in Argyll, while her mother was on the 
maternal side descended from the Stewarts of Invernahyle. 
Three years after her birth the 77th Regiment, in which her 
father held a commission, was ordered to America, where she 
and her parents remained some ten years. In 1768 they 
returned to Scotland, and resided in Glasgow till 1773, when 
Mr. Macvicar was appointed Barrack-master at Fort Augustus, 
where his daughter lived till her marriage in 1779 to the Rev. 
James Grant, minister of the parish of Laggan, which lies in 
the centre of Inverness-shire. Of good Highland blood on 
both sides, Mrs. Grant had all along been deeply interested 
in everything that related to her race, and she spared no pains 
in becoming thoroughly acquainted with the customs, the 
traditions, and the language of the people among whom she 
now had her home. Soon after the death of her husband in 
1801, Mrs. Grant removed with her family from Laggan to 
Woodend, near Stirling, and in 1810 she finally settled in 
Edinburgh, where she died in 1838, at the ripe old age of 

In 1803 Mrs. Grant published a volume of poems, the most 
ambitious of which was entitled ' The Highlanders." In 1806 
this was followed by a selection from the correspondence 
which she had kept up with her south-country friends from 
1773, when her family settled at Fort Augustus. The High- 


lands of Scotland were at that time an unknown land, and 
from their matter, as well as from their literary merit, these 
Letters from the Mountains attracted considerable attention, 
and secured for the writer recognition as an authority of some 
importance on Highland affairs — a reputation which was 
enhanced by the appearance in 1811 of her Essays on the 
Superstitions oj the Highlands oj Scotland. 

One of Mrs. Grant's neighbours at Woodend was Mr. 
(afterwards Sir Henry) Steuart of Allanton, with whose wife — 
a Miss Seton of Touch — she was on terms of intimate friend- 
ship. A county gentleman of no ordinary attainments, he 
had the intention of writing ' An historical Review of the 
different attempts to restore the Stewart family to the throne, 
from the Revolution in 1688 to the Suppression of the Rebel- 
lion in 1745.' To Mrs. Grant, amongst others, he applied 
for assistance in the collection of materials, and in response 
to his request the following letters were written. Sir Henry 
Steuart, however, never succeeded in carrying out his design, 
and Mrs. Grant's letters, along with the other papers which he 
had accumulated, including The Lyon in Mournings passed 
into the hands of Dr. Robert Chambers, to the courtesy of 
whose grandson and representative, Mr. C. E. S. Chambers, 
their publication is now due. 

It is indeed rather as embodying what had already become 
tradition — but tradition of a very rich and special kind — than 
as authoritative statements of historical facts that the Society 
has given them a place in this volume. And in spite of many 
inaccuracies, some of which have been corrected in the notes, 
the value of such tradition, even for historical purposes, will 
not be gainsayed. Dr. Chambers himself made use of these 
letters when writing his well-known history of the Forty-five, 
and Mr. John Hill Burton also had access to them, as is 
acknowledged in the preface to his Life of Lord Lovat. But 
they are now published for the first time. 


Melville Place, Janry. 21*^, 1808. 

Dear Sir, — I plead guilty to inexcusable delay in fulfilling 
my promise relative to the anecdotes, but indolence always 
frames excuses for procrastinating, and that with which I lulled 
my conscience on this occasion, was that having wrote to Miss 
Ferguson for Lady Stuarfs reminiscences, I thought it would 
be a species of frugality to wait for their arrival, in case some 
of her anecdotes should be similar to my own, and so preclude 
the necessity of my writing such as she had anticipated. 

She, however, has not as yet answered my letter. I have 
therefore confined myself to a branch of the subject, on which 
I imagine myself particularly well informed. You may probably 
think me both minute and diffuse. It may be so, but I am satis- 
fied with being authentic and cure of my ground. Much more and 
much worse might be said of Lovat, but here is abundance 
of the dark side of human nature. We shall next bend our 
attention to a more luminous object while we contemplate 

' A brave mau struggling- with the storms of fate.' 

I shall detail the anecdotes I know of Lochiel ' con amove,'' 
and you may expect them very soon. But first I must know 
how you approve of the manner in which I have executed this 
part of my task. It is worth your while to look into the late 
Earl of Orford's reminiscences for the anecdote I refer to.^ I 
have seen among Lovat 's relations a little pamplet, published, 
I suppose, to distribute among his friends, containing an 
account very plainly and, I doubt not, accurately detailed, of 
his behaviour and conversation with his friends in the Tower, 
etc. It contains many interesting and curious particulars. 

i See p. 268. 


If you will take the trouble of looking over the notes on the 
Poem of the Highlanders,^ which I think you have, you will 
find some anecdotes relative to the Prince, but those perhaps 
are too well known. I think I can recollect many others, but 
to these perhaps the same objection may lie ; but from Ralia I 
shall expect information both curious and authentic. 

Miss Colquhon has obliged me with a detail of the treacher- 
ous apprehension of the Marquis of TuUibardine, by the 
elder and younger Buchanans of Drumakiln. This last, by- 
the-bye, was married to a daughter of Murray of Polmaise. 

I am astonished. Dear Sir, that in your search for anecdotes 
of the '45, you should have overlooked a fertile source in your 
immediate neighbourhood. I am told Miss Lilly Wilson at 
Murrays Hall is a perfect magazine of that kind of knowledge, 
to which she had great access. 

Ballacheulish,^ who you know resided there, had the most 
extensive memory and the most extensive knowledge on these 
subjects of any person I ever knew, and he was not more 
knowing than communicative. 

Pray be kind enough to assure Mrs. Mackenzie of my sin- 
cerest veneration, and offer my best respects to Mrs. and Miss 
Stuart. I inclose a line of introduction to Miss Ferguson ; 
but can only say of Ormiston that it is four or five miles from 
Edr. I am, Dear Sir, with respect and regard. Your obedt. 
servt., Anne Grant. 

Dear Sir, — I promised to send you some anecdotes of Lovat 
and Lochiel, who were certainly the two prime movers of the 
northern insurrection in '45. This, if my memory does not 
fail me, is much in my power to do, having liv'd in great 
intimacy with persons to whom these extraordinary and very 
opposite characters were very well known. 

Willing to perform the most unpleasant part of my task 
first, I shall begin with Lovat, who might at his outset in life 

1 Vide Introduction. 

2 John Stewart fifth of Ballachelish, married Margaret, daughter of William 
Wilson of Murray's Hall, near Stirling. Mrs. Grant's spelling of proper names 
is preserved throughout. 


be styl'd a daring and unprincipled adventurer/ and who began 
his career of wickedness very early in a manner that would 
have expeird any other person for ever from society, 

Simon Eraser, afterwards Lord Lovat, was born about the 
year 1665. I do not recollect his first title, but his father ^ was 
a gentleman possessM of some inconsiderable property in the 
Aird, the peculiar abode of the Clan Eraser. Tho' not very 
nearly related to the former Lord ^ (who left only a daughter) 
he was, I believe, the nearest male heir. But not having at 
that early period learnt to disguise the prominent features 
of his character, which were cunning and ferocity, his pre- 
decessor took a dislike to him, and devis'd the estate to Hugh 
Eraser,* sometime styFd Lord Lovat, who was either his cousin 
or nephew (I think the latter) by the female side : this youth 
was then, I think, a minor studying at some university. 
Meanwhile Simon Eraser rais'd a number of men who had been 
accustomed to follow him in all his dubious enterprises, with 
the intention of joining Lord Dundee in the 'IS,'' tho*" in hopes 
of securing the inheritance, he had before courted the higher 
powers then presiding. 

I know he was not at Killiecrankie, nor do I think he was 
engaged in any instance. If he had any principle of action 
beyond mere self-love, the exiPd family would certainly be more 
congenial to his early prejudices. Yet it was generally thought 
that this loyalty to the unfortunate serv'd merely as a pretext to 
add to his followers numbers whom his own personal influence 
could not attach to him. But having them once under his 
command, that undefinable magic by which he all his life 

^ He was not in the least an adventurer, but after his father and elder brother, 
the rightful heir to the title and estates of Lovat, of which the Atholl Murrays 
unsuccessfully attempted to deprive him. For a succinct account of this whole 
matter vide Lieut. -Col. Fergusson's introduction to Major Fraser's Manuscript. 

"^ Thomas Fraser of Beaufort, third son of the ninth Lord Lovat and grand- 
uncle of the eleventh Lord. 

^ Hugh, eleventh Lord Lovat, by his wife, Amelia Murray, daughter of John, 
first Marquis of Atholl, left four daughters, of whom the eldest, Amelia, born 
i6S6, married, in 1702, her cousin, Alexander Mackenzie, son of Roderick 
Mackenzie of Prestonhall. This lady and her husband long pretended right 
to the title and estates, a claim which continued to be maintained by their son, 
known as Hugh Fraser of Fraserdale, who only died in 1770. 

* This is nonsense. ^ An obvious mistake. 


sway'd the minds of those who neither lovM or esteem"'d him, 
made them follow his desperate fortunes. Indeed, he at this 
period somewhat resembFd David when in the cave of AduUam, 
for ' every one that was discontented, and every one that was 
in debf literally resorted to him. 

The former Lord Lovat in the meantime died. The suc- 
cession was considered as doubtful, and the doubts in such 
cases seldom were decided by law. The claimant who had the 
strongest party in the clan, especially if sanctioned by the will 
of the deceased, was generally acknowledged as heir. In this 
case the good and peaceable members of the clan were all on 
the side of Hugh,^ in the absence of Simon who headed all the 
needy and turbulent. Hugh was received as heir to the late 
Lord, whose daughter he married, whose Dowager, then residing 
at Castle Dunie, added all her influence in his favour, and put 
him in formal possession of the Castle, which he relinquished 
immediately to her use, returning back to pursue his studies. 
Simon immediately marcird back to the Aird, resolving to 
take forcible possession of the estate, where he was so much 
dreaded that there appear'd none to oppose him, except the 
Dowager Lady Lovat, who refused him entrance to the Castle. 
This, however, he soon forced, and without respect to her age 
or quality (she was daughter to the Marquis of Tullibardin),^ 
revenged himself by treating her in presence of his brutal 
followers in a manner too shocking and cruel for description. 
She immediately took refuge with her family, who were about 
to institute a criminal prosecution for this unheard-of outrage ; 
to avoid this he fled to the Court of St. Germains ; being well 
aware that his life was doubly endangered in Britain, as he 
was liable to a trial for treason on account of levying forces in 
the name of King James ; which might have been hushed up 
had not this last exploit exasperated all the Athol family and 
their connections, and even the public mind against him. His 
matchless art and assurance stood him in good stead at the 
Court of St. Germains, where he represented himself as a 
sufferer for loyalty, got into great favour, and Anally was 

^ i.e. Alexander Mackenzie. The title and estates were claimed by x-Vmelia 
Fraser on her father's death in 1696. 
2 Marquis of Atholl. The Marquisate of Tullibardine was not created till 1703. 


trusted with secrets of the most momentous import, and sent 
over the year after as a secret agent to negotiate with the 
English adherents of the unfortunate monarch. 

This mission he the more readily accepted, as important 
business of his own now demanded his attention at home. 
Hugh, the rival heir, was by this time dead, and he became 
undoubted successor to the family honours.^ His credit at the 
Court of St. Germains was no small recommendation to him 
among his clan, and many thought highly of his address and 
abilities. Of these he was now about to exhibit a dis- 
tinguisli'd proof. On his way from France to England ^ (1709), 
where he was coming upon the mission which has been already 
mentioned, he was seiz'd in a French fishing-boat, with some 
others, and carried prisoner to London, where he was soon 
recognis''d in spite of his disguise, and affected ignorance of the 
English language. For Lovat had a countenance highly ex- 
pressive of his character, and so markM by a peculiar style of 
homeliness that no one who had ever seen it could forget it. 

The Earl of Godolphin was then Prime Minister. With 
regard to his personal virtues and public wisdom opinions have 
been much divided ; but in respect to his utter dereliction of 
all moral delicacy in regard to the instruments he employed 
to obtain his political ends, I believe there has not been any 
difference of opinion. Never was a stronger proof of this than 
the present occasion afforded. This caitiff", already steep^l in 
crimes and treachery, and knowing his life had before been 
forfeit to the laws of his country, purchased a present immunity 
by discovering, without the least reserve, all the secrets en- 
trusted to him. At the same time that he laid the lives and 
fortunes of so many others at the mercy of exasperated and 
powerful enemies, he took good care to give an exaggerated 
account of his own influence, power, and connections, and of 
the rank he was now entitled to hold in his own country ; 
representing that the obstructions he met with in asserting his 
just claim had thrown him thro' desperation into the arms of 
the opposite faction, but that if his life was spar'd, and his 
income augmented without adding to the burdens of his 

^ Wholly inaccurate, vide p. 255, note 3. 
'^ Lovat left this country in 1703 and did not return till 17 14. 


people, he would prove a grateful and useful servant to 
Government, and extinguish in the minds of all his friends 
those delusive hopes which supported their attachment to 
the exiPd Prince. 

The English in those days were shamefully ignorant of 
everything relative to the Highlands of Scotland. Montrose"'s 
wars had given them some idea of Argyllshire, and a faint 
view of Breadalbane and Athol ; but beyond that, all was to 
them a formless chaos, and they fear'd the more from not 
knowing the limits of the object that excited their appre- 
hension. They had now got into their toils one of these 
monsters they least knew, and most dreaded, a Highland 
chieftain possessing power and property in the unknown 
regions of the north, and they were determine to derive 
some lasting advantage from an alliance with depravity so 
formidable. The sentence passed against him was not re- 
scinded, but merely allowed to lie dormant. He had secretly 
a pension of three hundred a year settPd on him, which he 
regularly received till the year of his death ; and was permitted 
to return in peace, if not in triumph, to the possession of his 
inheritance, and of an influence which with these additional 
means he did not fail to extend considerably. 

Meantime Godolphin made a wise and moderate use of the 
intelligence purchas''d at so high a price. Few if any of the 
English Jacobites were publicly calFd to account. They 
possibly ow'd their safety to their numbers, it being rather 
dangerous to strike at so wide a confederacy. But this artful 
stateainan did not fail to let tliem know individually that they 
were in his power, and to watch and distrust them afterwards. 
This was perhaps the principal reason why the Jacobite interest 
in England (tho"" possessing far more power and property than 
that in Scotland) lent such feeble aid to the insurgents after- 

Lovat, once settled in the abode of his ancestors, did all 
that a man could possibly do without reforming his life, to 
efface the memory of the past, and to redeem the good opinion 
of the neighbouring chiefs. But being by this time accounted 
a spy for Government, and distrusted by both parties, he had 
but partial success. Yet such were his numberless artifices to 


gain popularity, and his Proteus-like readiness to take every 
shape that suited the present occasion, that at length he 
obtained a degree of influence that might appear incredible 
when one considers that his appearance was disgusting and 
repulsive, his manners (except when he had some deep part to 
act among his superiors) grossly familiar and meanly cajoling, 
and that he was not only stain'd with crimes, but well known 
to possess no one noble or amiable quality, if we except forti- 
tude, which he certainly displayed eminently in the last 
extremity. Tho"" his most valuable possessions and his family 
seat were in the Aird, the true centre of his power and popu- 
larity was in Stratheric, a high-lying wild district between 
Inverness and Ft. Augustus. There he contrived to be really 
belov'd by the common people, and there he was both popular 
and patriotic. He very frequently resorted there, and every 
year spent some time regularly among them ; making it his 
study to secure their affections, he would go easily and unlook'd 
for into the houses of the petty gentry, dine or stay the night 
with them, banish reserve by his perpetual good humour and 
frankness, and by a peculiar strain of jocularity perfectly 
suited to his audience. He came from any distance to the 
christening of every gentleman's first son, or the next, if it 
was to be calFd Simon. He usM to walk alone on the road, 
and whenever he met a peasant, examine him with regard to 
the number of his children and state of his welfare, redress his 
grievances if such he had, and mingle sound advice with the 
ludicrous fancies and cunning blandishments which abounded 
in his ordinary discourse. If he met a boy on the road, he was 
sure to ask who he belonged to, tell him of his consequence and 
felicity in belonging to the invincible Clan Eraser, and if he 
said his name was Simon, to give him half a crown, at that 
time no small gift in Stratheric. But the old women of all 
others were those he was at most pains to win, even in the 
lowest ranks. He never was unprovided of snuff and flattery, 
both which he dealt liberally among them : listened patiently 
to their old stories, and told them others of the King of 
France, King James, etc., by which they were quite captivated, 
and concluded by entreating that they impress their children 
with attachment and duty to their Chief, and they would 


not fail to come to his funeral and assist in the Coronach 

At Castle Dunie he always kept an open table to which all 
comers were welcome, for of all his visitors he contrivM to 
make some use, from the nobleman, or general, by whose 
interest he could provide for some of his followers, and by that 
means strengthen his interest with the rest ; to the idle hanger- 
on, whose excursions miglit procure the fish and game, which 
he was barely suffered to eat a part of at his patron's table. 
Never was there a mixture of society so miscellaneous as was 
there assembled. From an affectation of loyalty to his new 
masters, Lovat paid great court to tlie military stationed in 
the North. ^ Such of the nobility in that quarter as were not 
in the sunshine received his advances as from a man who 
enjoy 'd court favour, and he faiFd not to bend to his purposes 
every new connection he form\l. 

In the meantime the greatest profusion appeared at table, 
while the meanest parsimony reign'd thro' the household. The 
servants who attended had little if any wages. Their reward 
was to be recommended to better service afterwards, and mean- 
time they had no other food allowed to them but what they 
carried off on the plates. The consequence was that you durst 
not quit your knife and fork a moment, your plate was 
snatched if you look'd another way. If you were not very 
vigilant you might fare as ill amidst abundance, as the Gover- 
nor of Barataria ; a surly guest, once cut the fingers of one of 
these Harpies when snatching his favourite morsel away un- 
tasted. I have heard a military gentleman who occasionally 
din'd at Castle Dunie describe those extraordinary repasts. 
There was a very long table loaded with great variety of dishes, 
some of the most luxurious, others of the plainest, nay coarsest 
kind. These were very oddly arranged. At the head were all 
the dainties of the season, well drest, and neatly serv'd in; 
about the middle appeared good substantial dishes, roasted 
mutton, plain pudding, and such like ; at the bottom, coarse 
pieces of beef, sheep's heads, haggles, and other national but 
inelegant dishes, were served in a slovenly manner in great 

Cf. Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland. Letter viii. 

Mrs. grants letters sei 

pewter platters. At the head of the table were placM guests 
of distinction, to whom alone the dainties were ofter''d. The 
middle was occupied by gentlemen of his own tribe who well 
knew their allotment and were satisfied with the share assigned 
to them. At the foot of tiie table sat hungry retainers, the 
younger sons of younger brothers, who had at some remote 
period branch^ out from the family, for which reason he 
always addressed them by the title of ' Cousin." This, and a 
place however low at his table, so flatter''d these hopeless 
hangers-on, that they were as ready to do Lovat's bidding ' in 
the earth or in the air,' as the spirits were to obey the com- 
mands of Prospero. 

The contents of his sideboard were as oddly assorted as those 
of his table, and serv'd the same purpose. He began : ' My 
Lord, here is excellent venison, fine turbot, etc., call for any 
wine you please, there is excellent Claret and Champagne on 
the sideboard. Pray, now, Dumballoch, or Kilbockie, help 
yourselves to what is before you, tliese are Port and Lisbon, 
strong ale and porter, excellent in their kind."" Then calling 
to the other end of the table : 'Pray, dear cousin, help your- 
self, and my other cousins, to that fine beef and cabbage. 
There is whisky punch and excellent table beer.' 

His conversation, like his table, was varied to suit the 
character of every guest. The retainers soon retir'd, and 
Lovat (on whom drink made no impression) found means to 
unlock every other mind, and keep his own designs impene- 
trably secret, while the ludicrous and careless air of his dis- 
course help'd to put people off their guard, and searchless 
cunning and boundless ambition were hid under the mask of 
careless hilarity. 

When he was perfectly established, he form'd an alliance 
that completely suited his purpose. He married a daughter 
of the Laird of Grant ^ (about the year '22), thus connecting 
himself with a family of distinguish'd worth, and with another 
powerful clan and family by means of her sisters, one of 
whom was married to Sir Roderick Mackenzie of Scatwell, and 
the other to Grant of Ballandalloch. To this Lady, whose 

Margaret, daughter of Ludovick Grant of Grant. 


modest virtues, and pious resignation deservM a better fate, 
he made a harsh and negligent husband. She liv'd but a few 
years after (died about 1728) her marriage, and left four 
children. Two sons, one of whom was the well-known General 
Simon Fraser, the second was a Brigadier in the Portuguese 
service, and afterwards among his friends in Stratheric ; ^ and 
two daughters, the eldest of whom was married to Macpherson 
of Clunie, and the youngest, who died unmarried, was so deeply 
affected by her father's violent and impenitent death, that she 
mourn'd incessantly and survived him but a very short time. 

After the death of the first Lady Lovat, he married a Miss 
Campbell,^ who was mother to the present Lovat,^ and liv'd to 
a great age, having survived her Lord above forty years. He 
went now and then to London, and got somehow introduced 
to the younger branches of the Royal Family, whom even in 
childhood he strove to win by the grossest flattery. 

After the death of the first Lady Lovat, all restraint Avas 
thrown off at Castle Dunie. The young ladies, who inherited 
the modesty and piety of their mother, could not endure the 
profane and licentious manners of their father and his re- 
tainers, and generally resided at Scatwell, where nothing was 
to be seen but sanctity and decorum. 

Meantime the restless and intriguing spirit of Lovat, 
unrestrained by the sentence that hung over liim, was meditat- 
ing another revolution and laying trains to excite that spirit 
in others, which he durst not discover himself. He us'd to 
frequent the fairs at Inverness (from about the year thirty-five 
to forty when he became infirm) and pay court to the meanest 
of the people ; nay, I have heard my mother-in-law declare, 
that she saw him once, in the street there, embrace the Laird 
of Grant's piper. 

Meanwhile years came on, and Lovat, long since unwieldly 
from excessive corpulence, lost the use of his lower limbs, and 

^ ' Brigadier ' was a nickname given to him when a child, and not derived 
from any military service ; vide Transactions of Gaelic Society of Inverness, xii. 
p. 382. 

" Primrose Campbell, daughter of the Hon. John Campbell of Mamore, and 
sister of the fourth Duke of Argyll. 

* Archibald Campbell Fraser, died 1815. 


was carried from place to place in a litter. He had a great 
easy-chair, too, made for his accommodation, carried after him 
wherever he went. Yet this man whom few lov'd and none 
trusted, who was old without being venerable, and infirm 
without being pitied, and over whose head the axe impended, 
had still subtlety and address to move the whole North to his 
purposes, without laying himself open to detection. When 
the invasion was projected he gave secret orders to his son, 
then a lad of sixteen, studying at Glasgow College, to rouse 
the Erasers of Stratherick and join the adventurer ^ whenever 
he should arrive. Meantime he was sending to the Court of 
St. James' the strongest professions of loyalty and concern for 
tlie approacliing danger. He knew it was in vain to tamper 
with his daughter, Lady Clunie, to influence her husband. 
That excellent person, tho** a zealous Jacobite, would never 
persuade him to break his oath and forsake his colours, for 
he had accepted a Company in the Black Watch ^ (now the 42d) 
and of consequence sworn allegiance to the reigning family. 
Lovat, however, invited two of the principal gentlemen of the 
Clan to Castle Dunie and so imprest their minds with regard 
to the probability of success, which was the only objection, 
that they went home resolv'd to engage their young Chief in 
this perilous enterprise. The conference was held at Clunie. 
When the Chief began to waver, his lady urg'd the dishonour 
and treachery of forsaking the service in which he was engaged, 
on which a leading man of the Clan sternly told her, stamping 
with his foot, that she came there to bring heirs, not counsel. 
Clunie, in consequence, led out his Clan, and I have told in 
another place what was the result.^ 

Lovat having secretly set this great machine in motion, and 
having his emissaries everywhere, carrying on his plans and 
bringing him intelligence, lay quiet in his Castle, affecting 
great concern for what was going on, and railing at his son's 
disobedience and sedition. 

When the Chevalier mov'd northward after the disastrous 
irruption into England, Lovat retired up to Stratherick to 

^ The Prince. ^ His company seems to have been in Loudon's Regiment. 

3 'A Ballad founded on Fact.' Cf. p. 276. 


avoid the appearance of any understanding between him and 
the Prince. He had no house there, but while he stayed, resided 
in that of Gortulig his Chamberlain. 

I have heard the dauo;hter of this gentleman, who is still 
living, describe with great naivete a scene to which she was 
witness the day on which Culloden was fought. Tho' the 
probability of success was greatly against the highlanders, 
they were somehow infatuated with the most sanguine ex- 
pectations, all but the Prince and his veteran counsellors, 
who saw too well the enemies' superior advantage. Both at 
Stratheric and Inverness the adherents of the cause were 
making the most exulting preparations to receive their vic- 
torious Prince after the battle should be decided. The lady 
I have mentioned was then a girl of ten years old. It was 
decided that if the Prince conquered he should immediately 
make his way to seize on Fts. Augustus and William, and 
thus possess himself of the Glenmore which extends from sea 
to sea, and that he should consult with Lovat on his way. 

For two or three days before, preparations were making for 
the reception of the Prince and his train. To regale them, a 
very ample cold collation was preparing. All the women in the 
vicinity were calFd in to bake cakes, and roast meat, poultry, 
and venison for the occasion. Such was the urgency of the 
time and the quantity of food dress'd, that every room in the 
house, even that which Lovat occupied, was us'd for culinary 
purposes, and filPd with bread and joints of roasted meat. 

On the fatal day of Culloden, the highlanders at first gained 
some partial advantage, and some one came up express to say 
that the fortune of the day was in favour of the Prince. 
The house soon filFd with people, breathless with anxiety for 
tidings of their friends who were engaged. The little girl was 
considered as an encumbrance, and ortler'd into a closet, where 
she continued a little while an unwilling prisoner. Below the 
house was a large marshy plain, in the centre of which was a 
small lake that in winter overflowed it, but was now nearly 
dry. This spot the superstitious believed to be a rendevouz 
of the Fairies. All of a sudden the tumultuous noise that 
fiird the house was succeeded by deep silence. The little 
prisoner, alarm'd at this sudden stillness, ventured out and 


saw no creature in the house, but Lovat sitting alone in deep 
thought. Then she ventured to the door, and looking down 
saw above a thousand people in one ghastly crowd in the 
plain below. Struck with the sudden shifting of the scene 
and the appearance of this multitude, she thought it was a 
visionary show of fairies which would immediately disappear. 
She was soon, however, undeceiv"'d by the mournful cries of 
women who were tearing off their handkerchiefs for bandages 
to the wounded. In an instant quantities of linen were carried 
down for the same purpose, and the intended feast was dis- 
tributed in morsels among the fugitives, who were instantly 
forc'd to disperse for safety to the caves and mountains of 
that rugged district. The Prince and a few of his followers 
came to the house ; Lovat expressed attachment to him, but 
at the same time reproached him with great asperity, for 
declaring his intention to abandon the enterprise entirely. 
'Remember'' (said he fiercely) 'your great ancestor Robert 
Bruce, who lost eleven battles and won Scotland by the twelfth."" 

The Prince made little answer, but immediately set out for 
a place of more safety. The first thing set about was to 
dispose of Lovat's great chair least it should be the means of 
tracing his flight. (It was loaded with lead and sunk in the 
lake.) He was then carried off in his litter thro' the night 
and lodged in a cave to the northward of Fort Augustus, 
where he might have remained long enough had he not been 
betray \1 by one of his own adherents.^ In this extremity the 
subtlety and craft which had ever marked his character were 
displayed in their full extent. He insisted on carrying his 
sword with him to this retreat. When the party from Fort 
Augustus came to seize him there, he affected to mistake them 
for a detachment from the Rebel forces, started up on his 
knees, and drew his sword, crying, ' Traitors, you need not 
hope to bring me to your purpose, I will draw my sword for my 
lawful sovereign, King George, as long as I live."* 

This finesse did not avail, yet when he found himself caught, 
like an old lion in the toils, he conducted himself in a manner 
that would have done credit to a worthier character. No 

Another story is that he was captured on an island in Loch Morar. 


complaint or reproach was heard, nor did his Avonted good 
humour forsake him. The Coronach of the old women, on 
which he always laid such stress, preceded his funeral. For on 
seeing him carried a prisoner, they rent the air with their 
howlings. His old Bard followed the litter in which he was 
carried, and begg'd permission of the guard to be allowed to kiss 
his hand. He stretched it out, and when the Bard perceived it 
lank and fallen off by what it was formerly, he burst into tears, 
crying in his own language, ' Alas for the white hand and blue 
veins of my Master.'' Tho' easy and even facetious with some 
of his humble friends who followed his march, and attended him 
at the inns where he stopped, he did not wish to be exhibited 
like a wild beast, to use his own words, to the people who 
surrounded his travelling conveyance. Governor Trapaud, 
who long fiird that station at Fort Augustus, was then a Capt. 
and commanded the party who carried Lovat over Drimochter, 
being then a lively, bustling young man. He was impatient to 
see Lovat, who, keeping the curtains of the litter close about 
him, and being helped out and in by his friends, long evaded 
the young officer's curiosity, who, tho' dying to see this singular 
personage, did not choose to force an intrusion on his privacy, 
but frequently peep'd into the litter to observe whether he 
were sleeping, hoping then to have a full view of him. Lovat, 
perceiving this, alfected one day to snore while his friend rode 
slowly by. The latter, delighted to obtain at length his 
object, put his head into the litter and bent it over the 
supposed sleeper, who, rising with a sudden jerk, snappM at the 
nose of the terrified Capt., and then seeni'd highly amusM at 
his consternation, yet deign'd not during the whole journey to 
exchange a word with him. His behaviour while in the Tower 
was strongly mark'd with all the leading traits of his character. 
Even there he was busy, intriguing, fawning, and insolent by 
turns, and while his usual good humour and coarse jocularity 
never forsook him for a moment, he left no method untried to 
defeat or evade the rigours of the law, and to soften the hearts 
of his enemies. I have seen letters of his addressed to Prince 
Frederic and the Duke of Cumberland, vulgarly familiar as his 
usual style was, yet written with an air of simplicity not 
devoid of pathos, and proofs of a deeper and more refin'd 


subtlety than the most eloquent and polish'd productions. It 
was this frank and familiar simplicity that, by throwing others 
off their guard, had thro' life assisted him to deceive. To 
the desire of prolonging a life stain'd with dishonour, and 
which had already extended beyond the common limits of 
nature, he affected to be superior. All he wish'd was, as he 
expressed it, ' to end his days in his own country, and to attain 
wliat all his life he had most desir'd, the honour of being 
buried with his brave ancestors, of having all his clan in tears 
following his funeral, and the Coronach of the old women of 
the country over his grave,'' 

This same Coronach had certainly taken possession of 
Lovafs imagination in a most forcible manner. In all his 
petitions and conversations he recurr"'d to it, and when the 
motives for dissimulation were extinguished with the hopes of 
life, still the long anticipated Coronach seem'd to ring in his 
ears, and he earnestly entreated that his corpse might be 
carried down to be interred in the North, still urging the same 
motive, and hoping no doubt that 

* Their plaintive cries would sooth his hovering Ghost.' — Hammond. 

There can be no greater proof of the strong tendency the 
mind has to lean at the last on the posthumous approbation 
even of our fellow-mortals than the solicitude which even the 
godless and heartless Lovat showed to be the subject of praise 
and lamentation to these abject and ignorant beings. It was 
one of these strange caprices of human nature which made 

'A perjur'd Prince a leaden saint revei'e, 
A godless Regent tremble at a star,' — Pope, 

The fancy and humour which this strange personage showed 
on the brink of death, the serene dignity with which he sub- 
mitted to it, and the noble sentiment he quoted from Horace, 
when the axe was about to fall, are well known to the public. 
Yet it is not perhaps equally well known that the rancour of 
revenge displayed itself on that awful occasion. He knew him- 
self to have been betray''d by one whom he had long cherished 
and trusted, and in reference to this person gave out on the 
scaffold the Psalm expressive of bitter resentment in which 


David appeaPd to the divine justice to avenge the cruelty of 

Lovat could not die uniformly great. 

The Ministry, who seem'd still to smart from the wounds of 
the highland claymore, appeared to consider Lovat as terrible 
even in death, and dreaded the influence his bones might have 
on his countrymen should they return to their native soil. To 
this purpose Horace Walpole in his Reminiscences records an 
anecdote of the Duke of Newcastle's terror and perplexity about 
the funeral of Lovat, which, told in his ludicrous manner, 
is highly amusing, and strongly marks the spirit of the times. 

Thus liv'd and thus died Simon Lord Lovat, in his eightieth 
year, always formidable, yet always contemptible, who, had he 
been sincere and consistent, with the same address and ability 
might have been despotic among his own connections, might 
have sway'd the whole North with unbounded influence, and 
finally, might have liv'd esteemed and honoured, and died 
belov'd and lamented. 

He was in a very high degree crafty, rapacious, and treacher- 
ous, subtle, cruel, and revengeful, voluptuous and addicted 
to every the grossest sensual indulgences, yet possessing the 
most perfect command of temper, and perpetual, easy, ludicrous 
gaiety, such as Shakespeare ascribes to Falstaff. No man was 
ever subject to more wounding sarcasms from his fellow 
chieftains and other associates, which he either bore with calm 
indifference, or returned with smooth yet keen irony. But 
these insults were all treasurd up in his mind, to be reveng'd 
on some future occasion. 

Lovafs private life, even in advanced years, was such as 
would greatly disgust in description, and is really better con- 
signed to oblivion. In the first Lady Lovafs time he us'd 
regularly to visit once a year at Castle Grant, and Ballan- 
dalloch, on pretence, of indulging her, but in fact to cultivate 
and strengthen his alliance with these families. 

She never complained of him, but had always a drooping 
and dejected appearance. The lady he afterwards married by 
his recommendation livM with his first wife as a companion. 
Tho' inferior in understanding and capacity to the first Lady, 
Miss Campbell much excelled her in figure and carriage ; to 


which advantage he was at pains to direct the attention of 
others. At Castle Grant, he us'd to say, ' I am bringing this 
Lady of mine to Court to mend her carriage ; is it not wonder- 
ful that she does not learn to make the most of her little 
person when she sees her companion"'s fine carriage?"" 

His second wife, however, had much patience and good 
nature, which was very severely tried. She rarely ever sat at 
the head of his table ; and I knew a person to whom she us'd 
to give an account of the manner in which he us'd to feed her. 
Everything on the table became the prey of the attendants, 
except untouched birds and pastry. These were laid by in a 
little room of the Hall of Hearts of which Lovat kept the 
key, and reproduced till they were nearly mouldy, when they 
were sent up for the Lady; dinners, which if she rejected, he 
would go up in a rage, draw her about the room by the hair, 
and treat her in the most cruel manner. He continually 
taunted his first wife for want of beauty, and equally re- 
proached the second with want of understanding. He seemed, 
however, much concerned at the death of the first Lady, which 
happened after the birth of her youngest daughter Sibylla. 
He was, however, a kind and indulgent father, and when his 
daughters as they grew up shewed a disgust to the profligacy 
of Castle Dunie, and preferred residing generally with the only 
aunt they had then living. Lady Mackenzie of Scatwell, he 
did not resent their leaving him, but rather seem\l pleas'd with 
the delicacy and good principles which always governed their 
conduct. He always regretted that the first Lady was not 
sufficiently attended to in the lying-in which prov'd fatal to 
her. When his daughter. Lady Clunie (who every way much 
resembl'd her mother), was about to lie-in of her first child, 
he had the precaution to send for her to Castle Dunie, that 
she might have the attendance of physicians, if required, more 
commodiously than in that remote country. He always 
restrained the coarseness of his witticisms in presence of his 
daughters, whom he seeni'd to regard not only with tenderness, 
but a degree of respect. 

Sybilla, the youngest, possessM a high degree of sensibility, 
which when strongly excited by the misfortunes of her family, 
exalted her habitual piety into all the fervour of enthusiasm. 


When Lovat pass'd thro' Badenoch, where she then was with 
her sister, Lady Clunie, she (Sybilla) followed him to Dal- 
whinny, and there in the most pathetic manner implored him 
with floods of tears and extreme agony to avail himself of the 
impending stroke by withdrawing his thoughts from all earthly 
things, and making this danger the liappy means of reconciling 
himself to his Saviour. 

Lovat seeni'd to consider all this as womanish weakness, and 
endeavoured to reassure her spirits by talking lightly of the 
danger, and setting his enemies in a most ludicrous point of 
view, while he ridicurd them with a levity of mind almost 
incredible in such circumstances. Sybilla departed almost in 
despair, pray'd night and day, not for his life, but for his soul ; 
and when she heard soon after that he ' died and made no 
sign,' grief in a short time put an end to her life. 

The Brigadier, as Lovafs second son ^ was calFd (I do not 
remember his name), was, by the Prince's influence, recom- 
mended into the Portuguese service, where he staid some years. 
But, being excessively attached to the country where he was 
greatly belov'd, he came home to visit Ids friends, where he 
became greatly attached to a Lady of his own name, and 
acquired ratlier too great a relish for the convivial mode of 
living and hospitality frequently carried to excess, which was 
then too prevalent there. He could not endure to go abroad 
again, and had too much honour to take the oaths to Govern- 
ment, which would have in that case employed him. With 
much truth, honour, and humanity, he inherited his father's 
wit and self-possession with a vein of keen satire which he 
indulg'd in bitter epigrams against the enemies of his family. 

Some of these I have seen, and heard songs of his composing, 
which shew'd no contemptible powers of poetic genius, tho' rude 
and careless of polish. He sunk into a habit of dissipation, 
and became hopeless and careless of himself, and died belov'd 
and regretted by adherents of his party about the year '58, 
leaving his watch and what little he had to bequeath to the 
Lady he was attach'd to, who is still alive and unmarried. The 
last Lady Lovat was doom'd like her Lord to die in extreme old 

^ Alexander, died 1762, said by Mackenzie, History of the Frasers, p. 435, to 
hav§ been for some time in the Dutch service. Cf. p. 362, note i, 


age a violent death. She was poison"'d by a very near relation 
in the 100th year of her age about 16 or 17 years since.^ 

The estate of Lovat, there being now no male heir of his 
line remaining, will go at the death of the present Lovat to 
Eraser of Breiagh, a distant relation, who possesses considerable 
property in Aberdeenshire,^ 

It would at this distance of time be as impossible as un- 
profitable to detail Lovat's tricks and stratagems, exerted in 
his transactions witli his neiglibours, wiiom he invariably cosenM 
and over-reacli'd. Were Gaelic wit and humour (of all things 
the most volatile and evanescent) translatable, the good things 
said by or to Lovat would furnish a little jest-book. He indeed 
was like Falstaff, not only witty himself, but the cause of wit 
in other men, and ' all ranks did take a pride to gird at him.' 

Benchar, who was very intimate with James Macpherson, 
the translator of Ossian (who also wrote some historical tracts), 
used to talk of a life and character of Lovat which he had seen 
in manuscript written by that author. 

By what I remember of his account of this performance, 
Lovafs life only made part of an intended larger work, which 
I imagine was never publishM, I heard, however, of its being 
shown to some of the Edinburgh literati, who observed that if 
his character of Lovat was a just one, his depravity exceeded all 
parallel. I imagine it was supprest in tenderness to his family. 
I shall be glad to hear that you receive this safely. I ought to 
have said that the title of the rival candidate for the honours 
of Lovat in the beginning of last century was Eraserdale. 

I shall be glad to hear that this reaches you safely, and 
much regret that the indistinctness of my recollection, and the 
inaccuracy of my orthography, will occasion you so much 
trouble in arranging the facts I send you. 

The want of early education is never to be got over even by 
those whose powers of mind urge them on 

' To daring aims, irregularly great ; ' 

^ She died 23rd May 1796, aef. 86. — Scois Magazi7ie. 

- The Lovat estates when restored to General Simon Fraser were entailed by 
him. The Frasers of Brea are not included in that entail, and the family which 
Mrs. Grant plainly had in view was that of Strichen, sprung from the second soq 
of the seventh Lord Lovat, who now enjoy both title and estates, 


far less by a person so prest down by adverse circumstance, 
and a perpetual crowd of occupations as Your obliged obedt. 
Servant, Anne Grant. 

Melville Place, Feb. 1st, 1808. 
' Dear Sir, — I cannot pretend insensibility to approbation 
such as yours, but I greatly regret that I was not made sooner 
sensible of my own importance as a narrator of facts, because in 
that case I should have taken some pains to correct my vicious 
orthography, which constant hurry and great carelessness have 
confirmed into habit. I should likewise have distinguished 
periods, and left a margin had I ever dreamt that I was doing 
anything more than furnishing materials for you to arrange in 
their own places, and digest into order in your own language. 
On looking over these desultory pages, however, I find they 
have more the air of a connected narrative than I thought. I 
shall consequently do all that can now be done to render it 
more distinct. I would not have you rely on Johnson's account 
of anything relative to the Higlilands. A pedantic prejudice 
unworthy of his great mind, blinded liim to all the worth and 
wisdom that could possibly exist among people unacquainted 
with the dead languages. Coarse as he was himself, the 
luxuries and elegancies of life had too great sway over his 
mind, and of self-denial he did not possess a sufficient share to 
know its value or assign it the proper rank among the manly 
virtues. Strangers to classical literature, and to modern 
elegance, were with him decided savages. He did not do 
justice to his own great powers, nor was he aware what a noble 
savage he would have been himself tho he had never seen 
Oxford nor had any light but that of the gospel, which shone 
even on these remote Isles, where ladies knew not how to make 
a pudding. Boswell, vain, fantastic, and credulous, often mis- 
led him without intending it. The polity of the clans, and the 
wisdom and humanity that appeared in many of their customs 
and regulations, could only be known by a person acquainted 
with the language and residing among them. Tales of wonder 
are always told to strangers, and it is in the fury of exasperated 
passions that the wild and wonderful originates. The ancient 


state of the Isles (where tales too true were told him) was 
calculated to cherish a vindictive and sanguinary spirit. 
Before the Bruce and Baliol contention, which swallowed up 
the regulations, the arts, the learning, and the very national 
spirit, as well as national records of this ancient and com- 
paratively enlightnVl kingdom, all predatory incursions came 
from the North, and spent their first fury on these Islands. 
Even in time of peace, they were often attacked by Norwegian 
pirates, so often indeed that all their possessions were pre- 
carious. And many submitting to those invaders, while others 
preserved their loyalty. These different parties, exasperated to 
savage severity at each other, bequeathed the most rancorous 
feuds to their successors. The Lord of the Isles, courted by 
both the kings of Norway and Scotland, became himself a 
rebel and a pirate, and threw his force into each scale by turns. 
He even set up for an independent Prince in later times, 
encouraged by those long minorities at once bloody and feeble, 
which prevented Scotland from ever recovering its primitive 
importance, and by strengthening the hands of a turbulent 
aristocracy, render d the talents and the virtues of her last 
race of Monarchs of little avail to themselves or their country. 
This way of telling you what you already know much better 
than I do, is not meant for your information, but merely to 
serve for a basis to some details and reflections I mean to 
trouble you with hereafter. There is nothing in which the 
ignorance of the learn'd and the folly of the wise appears more 
in than the absurd and imperfect accounts given of a people 
who are so well worth knowing more of, were it but for the 
singularity of being without any defined head or pretension to 
independence, for so many centuries a people by themselves, 
with manners, customs, and language entirely distinct from 
those of their rulers. Can anything, for instance, be more con- 
tradictory than to see the very same writers, who at one time 
represent the clans as hordes of ferocious barbarians who 
blindly rush'd on to pillage and to slaughter at the bidding of 
their chiefs, without the least moral sense to distinguish good 
from evil, but merely actuated by passive obedience and love 
of plunder ? To see these writers immediately after record of 
the same people instances of fidelity, disinterestedness, and true 



magnanimity that do honour to human nature ? Is virtue, ' that 
self-given, solar ray of pure delight,' a paroxysm, or how were 
so many people of all ranks at one critical period affected with 
this paroxysm, who were before strangers to native probity and 
generous feeling ? 

To return to Dr. Johnson's anecdote of Lovat, half of it is 
true. Did you not discover under the decent terms which 
I made use of what was the nature of the crime perpetrated 
by Lovat, of which the Dowager Lady Lovat was the object? 
She was not to this miscreant the object of any passion, but 
the most rancorous hatred, being a woman advanced in years,^ 
and in some degree deform'd on the shoulders or back. Her 
personal disadvantages were balanced by worth and under- 
standing, and by the high alliances she brought to her family, 
for the house of Athol was greatly look'd up to in the north. 
The motive of this crime and the public mode in which it was 
perpetrated have no parallel in the history of mankind, but 
one to which I refer you, 2nd Samuel chap. 16tli ver. 22nd. If 
I do add any more particulars of Lovat's shocking life, I think 
they will be best inserted as notes, not to break the unity of 
what has been done. I cannot comprehend how Lovat's letters 
were dated at Beaufort ; ^ I should suppose it Beaulieu, for so 
he affected to style his residence, which was a very mean tho' 
defencible building, calFd by the country people Castle Dunie. 
The spot on which it stood was calFd Lamamonach, or the 
place where Monks dwelt, a monastery of French Monks, 
caird the Abbey of Beaulieu, having stood there. They gave 
the same name to a beautiful small river which, descending 
from Strath Glas, pass'd close by this mansion and discharged 
itself into the Firth below Inverness. The Airds is perhaps 
only a popular term by which the district occupied by the 
estates of Lovat, Relick, Belladrum, and other old families 
of the Frasers, is distinguished. It is a beautiful and fertile 
spot, lying immediately below Inverness, on the north side 
of Kessock ferry. It is bounded on the south by Inverness, 
on the west by Strath Glas, on the north by Ross-shire, and 

1 She was only thirty-four, and that a marriage was actually gone through 
seems beyond dispute. 
- Beaufort near Beauly. 


on the east by the Firth. Airds in the Gaelic means heights, 
in contradistinction to hills and mountains, and is here applied 
to a stretch of high yet verdant ground which runs parallel to 
the sea thro"" this district. 

Of General Eraser, whom I remember and [whose] character I 
well knew, I can say little, that is, he differed from his father only 
as a chainM-up fox does from one at liberty. A slight veil of 
decorum was thrown over the turpitude of his heart and con- 
duct, and he was a well-bred, shrew'd, plausible man and a 
good enough soldier. His impudence and craft were not in- 
ferior to his father's, tho"" less obvious. He was prosecuted in 
England for seducing, under the most aggravating circum- 
stances, the wife of his friend. Major Santlow from Boston. 
At the remarkable trial of Alexander Stuart,^ Acharn, falsely 
accused of the murder of Glenure in ITS', he pled at the bar 
(to which he was educated after being out in the '45) for the 
prosecutor, and was wonder'd at for his assurance in alluding 
to that circumstance, saying thus, ' On an occasion which I 
ought to blush to mention,' and then Avent on with great cool- 
ness descanting upon the ' unnatural rebellion ' and the crimes 
thence arising. He was too much a man of sense and of the 
world to forsake the straight path openly, yet no heart was 
ever harder or no hand more rapacious than his. One instance 
shall suffice. When the General's estate was restor'd to him 
the whole country broke loose into the most rapturous joy at 
having once more a head to the Clan. Songs and bonfires 
were made over all the Aird and Stratheric, and he returned 
home from his foreign campaigns like a belov'd Prince to his 
faithful subjects. All this I saw and heard, being then the '74 
or thereabouts. In the '76 he rais'd a 2d battalion to his 
Regt. to go out to America. There was very little time for 
this, and to fill up this Corps suddenly he promis'd iiigh 
bounties, which were to be paid when they reach'd head- 
quarters at Glasgow, and solemnly assur'd many that they 
should be dismiss'd after standing the review. The wretch'd 
creatures were all cheated and deceiv'd, and from their want 

1 The reference is obviously to James Stewart (Seumas-a-Glinne), whose misfor- 
tunes form the basis of Mr. R. L. Stevenson's Kidnapped and its sequel Catriona. 


of letters and the English language could obtain no redress. 
These poor people were followed by numbers of wretched 
women, who, barefoot and half clothM, were invoking the 
divine vengeance on their perjurd chief. Mrs. Donaldson, 
daughter to Colonel Gordon Graham, and married to Major 
Donaldson of the 42d, was then with lier husband at Glasgow. 
General F. gave a public dinner to the 42d and their ladies 
in return for one he had receiv"'d from them. He calFd on 
Mrs. Donaldson, and with great politeness escorted her to 
the Inn where they din"'d. She assured me she had very near 
fainted by the way, and was indisposed for days after, and I 
have not known a firmer-minded woman, but thus it was. 
She understood the Gaelic language — a circumstance of which 
the General was not aware. While she leant on his arm as 
they proceeded along they were followed by the wretch'd wives 
and mothers of these men whom he had betray'd into the 
service and cheated of their bounty. These, perishing with 
hunger and cold, pour'd forth ' Curses both loud and deep ' in 
their native tongue with all the emphasis of rage and anguish, 
praying that he would never see heaven, etc. All this he 
heard with an unmovM countenance, thinking she did not 
understand it, and talk'd to her the whole time in the gallant 
and disenga'd manner. Meanwhile the clothing of his Regt. 
was so poor in quality and so scrimp in make that the poor 
men were starving. Now this man was suddenly enrich'd, 
was old, and had no family ; moreover, he despis'd his heir, 
the present Lovat, and had he treated his people with common 
justice they would adore him. Yet I speak much within the 
truth. I would not wish to be known to say this on account 
of his widow,^ to whom I was obligM for civilities when last in 
London, as well as to the Lyttleton family. Lady Lyttleton 
is her sister. I will endeavour to recollect dates by circum- 
stances, but the persons to Avhom I was most indebted for 
intelligence dated one thing by another, and never mentioned 
the year of the Lord. Lnmediately after the poem of the 'High- 
landers "■ ^ you will find one call'd ' A Ballad founded on fact."* 

1 He died 1782, having married Catherine, second daughter of John Bristowe 
of Quiddenham Hall, Norfolk. 

2 Vide Introduction. 


This fact is the burning Clunie's Castle, and in the notes at 
the end you will find a sketch of that transaction, to which I 
will, if you wish it, add many curious particulars. Lovat was 
eighty years old when he suffered. In the succession of this 
family it has pleas'd providence to 

' Change nature's law and curse his race with fools,' 

but these are now extinct, and the estate goes to a distant 
branch. I am in haste after all this prolixity. Dr. Sir, yours 
respectfully, Axxe Graxt. 

I have sent to Dr. Gleg, and write to Inverness tonight for 
the pamphlet of the Tower transactions. I shall observe your 
directions punctually. 

Lochiel will be soon forth coming, but I must not be heard 
of as an anecdote-mono-er on this occasion. 

Melville Place, Fehry. 3c?, 1808. 

Dear Sir, — How shall I excuse myself for breaking thro' 
both your injunctions and my own resolutions with regard to 
the accuracy and distinctness necessary to make what I say 
intelligible ? You would pity me if you knew how extremely 
nervous the occurrences of the last year have rendered me. 
A large family in a small house create so many interruptions 
that it is impossible to write with composure. When I saw 
you I hop'd to have been able to spend two or three weeks 
at Jordanhill, where I could have my mornings to myself and 
perform the little task you set me in quiet. The rambling 
anecdotes I send you are merely for your own amusement, and 
to help you to form some judgment of the highland character. 
If any part of them illustrates your subject, you are heartily 
welcome to use it. But I should think them too detachM 
for your purpose. 

You see I have proceeded but a short way in my account 
of that admirable character Lochiel, to which, by-the-bye, 
I think that of Sir Evan Du no improper prelude. Do not 
think I have been embellishing his daughters. Were I not 


afraid of appearing fabulous, I could tell you many more 
singular particulars about them. 

The present Fassfern,^ whom I icnew very well, is nephew 
to Donald of Lochiel, and knows all that can be known of 
his own family. But then he communicated many interesting 
particulars to John Hume," and was, I believe, very much 
displeasM at the manner in which that writer garbPd the 
intelligence entrusted to him. I doubt, under these circum- 
stances, whether he (Fassfern) would liave comprehension or 
liberality enough to answer more inquiries on the same sub- 
ject, at least in writing. 

Many years ago, when I livM at Ft. Augustus, I had a 
friend whose brother, in consequence of my intimacy Avith 
her, was very well known to me. He had had a classical 
education, a great thirst of knowledge, and a violent en- 
thusiasm for highland poetry, music and antiquities. Of the 
Rebellion few of our contemporaries knew so much. His father 
was out with the Prince, and his uncle, Macpherson of 
Fleigherty, march'd a company with him to Derby. 

This person was also a great collector of scarce papers relat- 
ing to the events of former times, and I am much of opinion 
had once in his possession a manuscript memoir of Sir Evan 
of Lochiel,^ which exists somewhere among his descendants. 

This gentleman married and settFd in the country. But 
his affairs being embarrassed, about ten years since he set about 
to amuse his melancholy by publishing an old manuscript 
history in his possession, of Sir Eneas Macpherson,'* the hero 
of liis clan, but relinquished the design, justly fearing the 
subject would not have sufficiently general interest. He then 
went into the army, and has been long a Capt. in the 22d, 
and Brigade Major. When I was in London last, he came 
up from Colchester and saw me very frequently. 

^ Ewen Cameron, created a baronet in 1815 in recognition of the conspicuous 
gallantry of his son, the well-known Colonel John Cameron of the 92ncl High- 
landers, who fell at Quatre Bras. 

* John Home, author of Douglas and The History of the Rebellion in 1745. 

^ Probably that pubhshed by the Abbotsford Club in 1842, cf. Preface, p. xliii. 

^ ^neas, second son of William Macpherson of Invereshie, ' a learned advocate 
and antiquary of the reign of Charles il., who received the honour of knighthood,' 
and the author of a history of his clan still extant in us., penes Cluny Macpherson. 


I have the pleasure to hear since that he has distinguish^ 
himself at Copenhagen, and reap'd some solid advantages in 

Now this Major Macpherson is the person of all others of 
whom I could best depend on for ability and inclination to 
furnish me with anecdotes regularly dated in chronological 
order. I do not spare my own pains, they will be mere dry 
facts, and if you prefer my mode of narrating them, I will 
with great pleasure arrange them for you. 

I should scarce have time to hear from him here, being to 
set out for London in a fortnight, but if you are satisfied 
with my account as I can give it (for I really have no regular 
dates) I will transmit all I know immediately. If, on the 
contrary, you prefer the more accurate and circumstantial 
detail, which I may be able to give with the Major's assis- 
tance, and perhaps write more legibly amid the leisure and 
repose, which I hope for at Sunbury, tell me, and I shall 
so arrange it, but let me know immediately. 

My authorities for the facts I have given and mean to give 
you, are very good ones. I knew well two granddaughters 
of Lochiel's, sisters of the late Clunie, who were our next 
neighbours at Laggan. I was very intimate, too, with Miss 
Margaret, daughter to the unfortunate Dr. Cameron, LochiePs 
brother. A lady so distinguished for the homeliness of her 
person and the superior qualities of her mind, that I am 
sure Mrs. Stuart must have known or heard of her. My 
mother, too, remembers much of the Lochiels, whose memory 
she adores. I retain Lovat to make a correction of impor- 
tance. Sir Robert gave him the pension, but it was Godolphin 
who examined him in the year nine, when he was taken 
coming from France. It was for Killicrankie and not for 
Panmure^ that he rais'd his troops. At this latter period the 
noose was about his neck, and he made a merit of forbearance. 
On this he got the pension. Macpherson of Benchar, who 
knew the whole race, was my particular acquaintance. When 
Lovafs daughter was married to Clunie, a young woman came 
home as a humble companion with her from Castle Dunie, 
who, being uncommonly sensible and well principPd, was 
always retain'd in the family, and was so useful by her 

^ Lord Panmure was ' out' in the '15. 


fidelity and ingenuity during the nine years which Clunie 
lay conceard in the country, that the family ever after had 
the highest value for her, and treated her more like a relation 
than a dependant. This person went to France afterwards 
with this unfortunate family, and returned with Mrs. Mac- 
pherson after Clunie's death. When the estate was restord, 
Clunie built a house for her and settled a pension on her. 
She was a very distinct, intelligent person, and from her I 
heard more of the fate of the exiles in France, as well as of 
the Lovat family, than from any one, except, indeed, my 
mother-in-law, who was nearly related to Lady Lovat, and 
saw her often after her marriage. 

I shall endeavour to enclose the account I received from Miss 
Colquhoun of the manner in which the Marquis of Tullibardine 
was betray'd by Drumakiln. — I am, dear Sir, With sincere 
good wishes towards all your family. Your faithful, humble 
servant, Anne Grant. 

I write so rapidly that I run my periods together un- 
consciously. I shall send you memoirs of the Brigadier, the 
only honest man of the family, with those of his father. 

Memoir relative to the Marquis of Tullibardine 

About three weeks after the battle of Culloden, the Marquis 
of Tullibardine ^ came across the moors and mountains, thro 
Stratheric and Lochaber, in search of a place of safety and 
repose, he being a very infirm old man, and so unfit for travel- 
ling on horseback, that he had a saddle made on purpose some- 
what like a chair, in which he rode in the manner ladies 
usually do. 

When he came down towards Loch Lomond, he was quite 
worn out, and recollecting that a daughter of the family of 
Polmaise (who were connected with his own) was married to 
Buchanan of Drumakiln,^ who liv'd in a detach'd peninsula 

^ The eldest son of the first Duke of Atholl. He had been attainted for his 
share in the '15, and the estates and titles were settled by Act of Parliament on 
the next heir. 

^ i^e. to the eldest son of the old laird. 


running out into the Lake, thought on these accounts that 
this place might be suitable for a temporary refuge. 

He was attended by his French secretary, two servants of 
that nation, and two or three highlanders who had guided him 
thro' the solitary passes of the mountains. Against the judg- 
ment of these faithful attendants, he bent his course to the 
Ross, for so the house of Drumakiln is called. I should have 
mentioned that the old Laird of Drumakiln was still alive and 
in the house with his son. The Marquis, after alighting, 
begged to have a private interview with his cousin. He told 
him lie was come to put his life into her hands, and what in 
some sense he valued more than life, a small casket, which he 
delivered to her, entreating, whatever became of him, that she 
would keep that carefully, till demanded in his name, it con- 
taining papers of consequence to the honour and safety of 
many other persons. In the meantime, the younger Drumakiln 
rudely broke in upon them, and, snatching the casket from her 
hand, said he would secure it in a careful place, and went out. 
This casket was never more seen. It was supposed to contain 
family jewels. 

Meantime the French secretary and the servants were (they 
arrived in the evening) watchful and alarm'd, seeing the father 
and son walking in earnest consultation, and observing horses 
saddrd and despatched with an air of mystery, and every one 
seeming to regard them with compassion. All this time the 
Marquis was treated with seeming kindness. While he 
partook of some refreshment, some of the children running in, 
cried out, ' Mamma, we never saw such odd men as the 
Marquis's." 'How are they so odd.?' answer d the mother. 
' They are all greeting and roaring like women.' This in- 
cident, the lady (who was a person of mean capacity) after- 
wards told her neighbours as a strange instance of effeminacy 
in these faithful adherents. 

At night the secretary went secretly to his master's bed-side, 
and assur'd him there was treachery. He answer'd he could 
believe no gentleman capable of such baseness, and at any rate, 
was incapable of escaping thro' such defiles as those they had 
pass'd. Told him in that case it would only aggravate his 
sorrow to see him also betray'd, and advis'd him to go off" im- 
mediately, which he did. 


Early in the morning a party from Dumbarton, summon"'d 
for that purpose, arrived to carry the Marquis away prisoner, 
who bore his fate with calm magnanimity. The fine horses he 
brought with him were detain'^d, and he and one attendant 
who remained were mounted on sorry horses belonging to 
Drumakiln. The officer who commanded the party taunted 
that gentleman in the bitterest manner, and the commander of 
Dumbarton Castle treated his noble prisoner with the utmost 
respect and compassion, but regarded Drumakiln with the 
coldest disdain. 

Very soon after young D — mounted the Marquis''s fine 
horse (his servant riding another which had belonged to tliat 
nobleman) and set out on a visit to his father-in-law, 

When he alighted he gave his horse to the groom, who, 
knowing the Marquis well, instantly recognis'd him. ' Come 
in, poor beast,' said he, ' times are changed with you since you 
carried a noble and worthy Marquis, but you shall always be 
welcome here for his sake."" D — ran in to his father-in-law, 
complaining that his servants insulted him. Polmaise made no 
answer, but turning on his heel, rung for his servant to bring 
out that gentleman's horses. 

After this, and several similar rebuffs, the father and son 
began to shrink from the infamy attached to this proceeding. 
There was at that time only one newspaper published at Edin- 
burgh, conducted by the well-known Ruddiman.^ To this 
person the elder Drumakiln addressed a letter or paragraph to 
be inserted in the newspaper, bearing that on such a day the 
Marquis of Tullibardine surrendered to him at his house. 
This was regularly dated at Ross. 

Very soon after the father and son went together to Edr., 
and waiting on the person appointed to make payments of 
this nature, demanded the reward. 

It should have been before observVl, that Government were 

1 The Caledonian Mercury. In the issue of April 29, 1746 the following 
paragraph appears : ' By a letter in Town from the West, there is advice that the 

Marquis of Tullibardine with five others, and Mitchell the young Pretender's 

governor had surrendered themselves and were confined in Dumbarton Castle. 
That the Marquis was in a very bad state of health, and it was thought could 
not live many days.' 


by this time not at all desirous to apprehend the Marquis, 
tho"* his name was in the first heat inserted in the proclamation. 

His capture, indeed, greatly embarrassed them, as it would 
appear cruel to punish, and partial to pardon him. To return. 
Tiie official person desir'd them to return the next day for the 
money. Meanwhile he sent privately for Ruddiman, and 
examined him with regard to the paragraph already mentioned. 

He found it on his file, in the old Laird's handwriting, and 
deliver'd it to the commissioner. Next day the Lairds were 
punctual to the assignation. The commissioner deliver'd the 
paragraph in his own handwriting folded up to the elder cul- 
prit, saying, ' There is an order on the treasury which ought 
to satisfy you," and turned away from him with mark'd con- 
tempt. Soon after the younger Laird was found dead in his 
bed, to which he had retired in usual health. Of five children 
whom he left, it would shock humanity to relate the wretched 
lives and singular and untimely deaths. Of them, indeed, it 
might be said — 

' On all the line a sudden vengeance waits. 
And frequent hearses shall besiege their gates. 

And they were literally considered by all the neighbourhood 
as caitiffs 

' Whose breasts the furies steel'd 
And curst with hearts unknowing how to yield.' — Pope. 

The blasting influence of more than dramatic justice or of 
corroding infamy seeni'd to reach every branch of tliis devoted 
family. After the extinction of the direct male heirs, a brother, 
who was a Capt. in the army, came home to take possession 
of the estate. He was a person well respected in life, and 
possess'd some talent, and much amenity of manners. The 
country gentlemen, however, shunn'd and disliked him on 
account of the existing prejudice. Anything may be endur'd 
but contempt. This person, thus shunn'd and slighted, seem'd 
to grow desperate, and plung'd into the lowest and most 
abandoned profligacy. It is needless to enter into a detail of 
crimes which are hastening to desir'd oblivion. It is enough 
to observe that the signal miseries of this family have done 
more to impress the people of that district with a horror at 


treachery and a sense of retributive justice than volumes of 
the most eloquent instruction could effect. On the dark ques- 
tion relative to temporal judgments, it becomes us not to 
decide, yet it is of some consequence in a moral view to remark 
how much all generous emulation, all hope of future excellence, 
is quenched in the human mind by the dreadful blot of imputed 
infamy. It is not mere wisdom or philosophy, or anything 
less than the most exalted consolations of Christianity that 
can support the mind in such a state. 

The last wretched Drumakiln, whose death too much 
resembrd his life, left a daughter on whom, having first 
legitimated her, he settled his estate. She is married to 
Hector M' Donald, Esqr., of Boisdale. She labours with much 
success to redeem the character of the family. 

Melville Place, Fehry. Wtli, 1808. 

Dear Sir, — The high praises with which you grace efforts 
so broken and imperfect as mine, if not merited, are at least 
encouraging, and have produced a discovery entirely new to 
me. Like Moliere's Bourgeois Gentillhome who had made 
prose all his life without knowing it, it appears that I have 
been as unconsciously philosophising, for I never suspected 
that the depth of my reflections entitled them to be accounted 

However inadequate any feeble aid of mine may be to that 
purpose, I rejoice to think you are about to open a rich mine 
of materials for elucidating our views of human nature that 
has been too long trod underfoot with stupid negligence, 
while we have been compassing sea and land to bring from 
Africa and Otaheite, pictures of man degraded by tyranny 
and gross ignorance, or debased by voluptuous sensuality. 

Lions, unluckily, are no painters, and highlanders are no 
philosophers, at least the peculiarities in the manners and 
traditions of their own country have always appeared too 
familiar to themselves to excite much wonder or reflection. 
And it has not occurred to them how much amusement and 
instruction others might derive from the contemplation of 


a state representing man unpolisli'd and unlearned, yet cour- 
teous, humane, and in full possession of his native energies. 

I am so delighted with the prospect of seeing this desidera- 
tum rescued from oblivion that I too long delay the informa- 
tion which it is the intention of this letter to communicate. 

Dr. Macpherson''s treatise on highland antiquities is accounted 
a valuable work.^ It was published pi'eviously to the translation 
of Ossian, and much approved by the Edr, Literati. He 
brought to the [task] great literary integrity, strong powers 
of mind, sound and extensive learning, and the most extensive 
knowledge of his subject. Highland antiquities were his 
darling pursuit, and the solace of a life spent in solitude 
and study after the early death of a belov'd wife. No 
character, no authority stands higher than his. I should 
have told you that he was minister of Slate in the Isle of 
Sky, and father to Sir John Macpherson, a learned, worthy, 
and amiable man, once governor of our Indian possessions 
after the return of Hastings.'- His other son is now minister 
of Slate ; he, too, is a learned man, has an unequal'd memory 
and a rich fund of anecdote, but being wealthy, proud and 
indolent, he turns his time and talents to no account, but 
lives always surrounded by buffoons and parasites who are 
by turns the objects of his satirical wit and indiscriminate 
bounty and hospitality. Yet this lounger is, from that very 
circumstance, possessed of materials that would be valuable in 
other hands. Traditionary remnants of the wit and wisdom, 
the wars and policy of their ancestors making up great part 
of these people's conversations, if I saw him I could draw much 
out of him, but he is far too lazy to write. 

He is, however, in possession of a treasure that will perish 
with him if not soon rescued from his hands. He has a great 
quantity of papers by him, the materials of a great work which 
his father had in contemplation on his favourite subject. 

Sir John had a kindness for a good old man who had been 
domestic tutor to him and his brother, and who, being very 

^ Dissertations on the Ancient Caledonians, etc., by the Rev. John Macpherson, 

^ For an account of his somewhat remarkable career, vide Dictionary of National 


unfortunate in life, officiated latterly as schoolmaster at 
Laggan. He was very much about us. At lengtli Sir John, 
fearing he might want some comforts which his advanced age 
required, wrote to him to go to Slate and spend the rest of his 
days in his brother's family, where he (Sir John) had a good 
right to make a guest welcome. Knowing the independent 
spirit of our old friend, Sir John contriv''d on this occasion to 
make himself the obliged person, requesting that Mr. Evan 
Macpherson would employ his time in revising and arranging 
the manuscripts left by the deceased Dr. Macpherson, a task 
which he (Sir John) had often in vain solicited Martin (his 
brother) to perform. 

Mr. Evan, who was very well fitted for this employment, set 
out with a determination to engage in it immediately on his 
arrival. To his great grief, he saw his friend's manuscripts 
lying in a clos'd up lumber room below old chests, etc. 

Martin, highly piqued at seeing this task transferred to our 
friend, would not suffer him to touch them, and there they lie to 
this hour I am persuaded. Mr. Evan, disliking the society with 
which his old pupil was surrounded, returned, as he expressed 
it, to die near us, which happened a year after, in 101, and 
much genuine worth and valuable knowledge died with liim. 

I shall very likely meet Sir John in London. My distress 
and hurry prevented it last year when he was ask'd to his 
friend. Sir Walter Farquhar's,^ to meet me at dinner, but I 
could not come. I know both brothers very well ; a sister of 
Sir John's having been married to a brother of Major Mac- 
pherson's whom I formerly mention'd. If you would write me 
a letter saying you had been inform'd that some manuscripts 
relative to a subject you wish'd to illustrate remain in posses- 
sion of Dr. Macpherson's family, and that you are sure a 
liberal and enlighten'd person, sucli as Sir John is well known 
to be, will not, on a proper representation, withhold them from 
such a purpose, etc., etc. 

Now if you will send a letter of this nature address'd to me 
at Mr. Hall's, Edr., where I propose being next week, I shall. 

^ Son of the Rev. Robert Farquhar, minister of Chapel of Garioch in Aberdeen- 
shire, and an eminent London physician. 


by shewing or sending it to Sir John, induce him, I doubt not, 
to lay his commands on Martin to give up the manuscripts for 
your use. I know he would willingly oblige me from a circum- 
stance which occurr''d when I was last in London. James Mac- 
pherson's Introduction to the history of Great Britain contains 
materials suited to your purpose, well arranged and expressed, 
A petulant and flimsy book ^ (wrote as a refutation of many of 
Johnson's assertions in his tour) by Macnicoll, the minister of 
Lesmore, contains nevertheless many amusing and well 
authenticated anecdotes. I forget its title, but every gentle- 
man in Argyleshire has a copy of it. 

One Alexander Campbell,^ from Rannoch, has lately published 
a poem, to which he gives the title of ' The Grampians left 
desolate,' which I suppose has no extraordinary merit, but the 
notes on which, I am told, are replete with such traditional 
intelligence as you wish for. There are manuscript histories of 
families which at any [rate] contain some dry facts worth 
knowing : Clanranald's,^ for instance. Mr. Henry Mackenzie * 
could procure you the archives of the Grant family. The 
Montrose papers too might be useful. An introductory essay 
such as you mention would doubtless add great interest to your 
subject. I mistook if I spoke of being 6 weeks in England. I 
fear I must be there till August, but will from thence gladly 
communicate all I know, having the command of office franks. 

I have a correction and an addition to make with regard to 
Lochiers daughters. There was not of that set married to 
Auchalder, but there were two married in this country, one to 
Wright of Loss, the other to Macgregor of Bohawdie.^ Adieu, 
dear Sir. I shall write once more from Edr. with some 
anecdotes, and am in the meantime, Yours, etc., etc. 

Annk Grant. 

Lord Selkirk, as you well know, has written a book on 
emigration, and that with much candour and apparent 

1 Remarks on Dr. Samuel JohnsoiCs Journey to the Hebrides, by the Rev. 
Donald MacNicol. ^ Born at Tonbea 1764, died 1824. 

•* i.e. The Black and l\ed Books of Clanranald, now published in Reliquice 
CelticcF, vol. ii. 

^ The Man of Feeling. He married Penuel, daughter of Sir Ludovick Grant 
of Grant. ^ Cf. p. 321 note. 


benevolence, in which he draws from false premises very true 
and just conclusions. In the appendix of this book you will 
find some information which I know to be authentic. 

Thoughts ^ on the attachment of the clans to their chiefs — 
On filial piety — On enthusiasm — On the superstitions of the 
higlilands, their origin and effect, illustrated by authentic 
anecdotes — On the consequences of certain immortalities as 
the system of life was affected by them — On the obscure and 
mystical, yet fervid and exalted ideas of the Deity and the 
worship He requires which pervaded the minds of highlanders 
of every rank. 

Highland villains trembling at futurity like Shakspear's — 
Morality founded on sentiment, assuming by degrees a sys- 
tematic form in a country undisturbed by conquest or foreign 
wars, where the essentials of Christianity had their due in- 
fluence, and where certain lessons of practical piety were 
delivered from father to son with increased effect thro"" succes- 
sive ages — Peculiar effects produced on the imagination and the 
heart by cherishing with unusual care the memory of the de- 
parted, dwelling on their sayings and actions, and mixing them 
as it were with their surviving friends in an inexplicable manner. 

Lastly, on the utter impossibility of preserving in any other 
situation the spirit and character of a people so localized, and 
bound by so many ties of fancy, memory, affection, and tradi- 
tion to the strong featured land of their nativity. 

DebasM by an innate sense of degradation when driven to 
mingle with the mob of other countries with whom they have 
nothing in common. This spirit, if at all preserved beyond 
the limits of their native mountains, is chiefly found to exist 
in a body of highlanders devoted to arms, who, having no 
new abode or acquired localities to efface those so long endeared 
to them, and going out in bodies from different clans, cherish 
both that martial ardour and that pathos of patriotism whicli 
is their peculiar [possession]. 

Strongly exemplified in the deservedly celebrated 42d Regt., 
which, as a body corporate, is worthy to have a little history 

The first portion of this letter is missing. 


transmitted of its achievements, its sufferings, its fidelity and 
magnanimity in several trying and distinguished instances. 

On the additions, or cognomens, of the chiefs. 

On the badges, Marches, Tartans, etc., which distinguished 
the clans. 

Singular origin of the Macraws.^ 

Remarkable difference of character and manners between 
the different clans. 

Honourable strictness among the chiefs in adhering to a 
promise once solemnly given, instanced in the manner in which 
Glenmoriston acquired Dalentay, etc., etc. 

Characteristic peculiarities. 

There are many singular and interesting anecdotes worth 
preserving relative to the escapes and adventures of these 
persons who were attainted, such as Ranald Ratray of Rag- 
nagalion in Castle Ratray, Stirling of Craigbarnet, Macdonald 
of Teindrich, the convicts sent to Maryland, etc., etc. 

These are hints whereon to found queries. Now, I am so 
confus'd, and the materials crowded into my lumber garret 
of a memory so disarranged, that I could not without some 
such finger-posts find my way thro' my own recollections. 

Will you, if you wish for such aid of materials as I can 
give, demand in tlie order you see fitting my thoughts and 
recollections on each of these subjects, these letters you may 
afterwards arrange in the way you can best connect them. 

I am going to give you a little anecdote illustrative of the 
liistory of woman. Drumakiln (tlie last), of whose infamous 
life and shocking death I had occasion lately to speak, seduc'd 
a well brought up and rather superior young woman belonging 
to the lower class, to live with him. She had three beautiful 
and promising children who were her consolation under the 
remorse that prey'd on her mind. 

^ Probably referring to the story told by Dr. Johnson. The 'Macraes,' he 
says, ' were originally an indigent and subordinate clan, and having no farms nor 
stock were, in great numbers, servants to the Maclellans who, in the war of 
Charles I., took arms at the call of the heroic Montrose and were in one of his 
battles almost destroyed. The women that were left at home being thus 
deprived of their husbands, like the Scythian ladies of old married their servants, 
and the Macraes became a considerable r3,CQ.^— Journey to Western Islands, p. 91. 



When the eldest was seven and the youngest scarce three 
years old, they were all swept away by a scarlet fever or some 
other complaint. Agonis'd with grief and penitence, the young 
woman retird to her father's house, and to perpetuate for an 
example or warning to others her transgression and its punisli- 
ment, erected a stone in the churchyard of Luss with the 
following inscription, 

' Under this stone lie three chiklren 
John, Helen, and William Buchanan, 
Who by the sin of their wicked parents, 
John Buchan[an] and Helen Stuart, 
Were brought to this world. 
And to punish these sins 
And preserve them from such. 
Were early taken out of it. Anno Domini,' etc., etc. 

This now is precisely the meaning and very near the words 
of the epitaph, which I think is still more forcibly expressed. 

Think of the power of early good impressions and the 
strength of the mind that could thus sacrifice all ordinary 
feelings and considerations to set up this perpetual memorial 
of her own disgrace for the eventual benefit of others. 

I am here in Rose Street witli my old friends and shall 
not set out for London for a week. You will please address 
any commands you have for me in the meantime here under 
cover to James Shearer, Esq., Surveyor of the Post Office, who 
has lately connected liimself in a manner with me by marrying 
a young friend of ours. — I am, with the most affectionate wishes 
towards all your family, Dear Sir, Yours faithfully, 

Anne Grant. 

Brompton grove ^ 17 Maixh 1808. 

Dear Madam, — I was truly sorry that it was not in my 
power to have had the happiness of being of your party at 
my friend Sir Walter's dinner. When you return to town I 
will have much satisfaction in waiting upon you ; and by that 
time our friend the Duchess of Gordon will be here. 

Nothing could give me more satisfaction than to aid your 
friend Mr. Stuart in his literary pursuits : his brother-in-law, 
Mr. Seton at Delhi, is one of the most respectable characters 


in the public service in India. A true Caledonian ; having 
had the advantages of foreign education and all admired by 
the people of India for his superior attention to business and 
his perfect probity. You should inform Mr. Stuart that when 
I was at Rome in 1792, I had access to read a :ms. copy written 
by Prince Charles, of the History of his Campaigns in Scotland 
in 1745, etc. It was communicated to me by the keeper of 
the Stewart Papers in Cardinal York's possession ; and on 
condition that I should neither take a copy of it or make 
any extracts from it. I obtained permission to the Duke of 
Sussex, then in Rome, to peruse it upon the same conditions. 
It is, I think, possible to obtain that ms., now that Cardinal 
York is no more, and if the intercourse with Rome were open 
I would write to my friend Cardinal Erskine upon the subject. 

As to the manuscripts and papers that my father has left, I 
do not believe that they could be of much use to Mr. Stuart. 
I left those relative to his deportation with the late James Mac- 
pherson of Ossian memory, and it was from them chiefly that 
he wrote his own Introduciion to the H'lstory of Great Britain. 

What you observe relative to the state of society, of which 
we have seen the last characteristic shades in our native country, 
is perfectly just. Many causes combined in favour of that state 
of society : the spirit of true poetry which kept the memory 
of noble actions, as that of the best ailections of the heart, 
in continued admiration ; the hospitality which formed the 
intercourse of the chiefs and their family connections ; the 
opportunities which the cadets of those families had of seeing 
foreign countries and serving in the armies of France, Germany, 
and Italy, always anxious to return to their native soil with a 
ffood name, too-ether with an emulation between the different 
clans to surpass each other in acts of liberality and renown. 
These and other causes gave the manners of the last century 
in our highlands and islands much of the old early Grecian 
character mixed with the loyalty and spirit of chivalry. You 
remember the great Lord Chatham's words, ' I sought merit 
where it was to be found ! I found it in the mountains of the 
north, a bold and a hardy race,' etc.^ 

The antient music of our songs was the great inspirer of 

^ The idea of raising Highland regiments, usually attributed to Pitt, was really 
due to Duncan Forbes of CuUoden. 


the whole organisation of society in those days, and it is a 
fact elucidated by the oldest Italian history of music, that 
it was the music of the old songs of our hills which James, 
one of our Scots kings, was supposed to have composed, and 
which the Italians called the new species of music ' lament- 
abile et lacrimabile,"" yes, long before the days of David Rizzio. 

There is a singular characteristic difference between our 
finest and most pathetic music and that of Italy. With us 
it is generally a plaintive lamentation relative to the past^ 
with the Italians it is all invocative of future happiness as 
in Serenas, etc. 

Letters gave early instruction to our native land, and the 
good old schoolmaster, Evan,^ whom you so justly esteemed 
was one of the last schools of these good effects. Our clergy 
in the highlands were above all the ranks of society there 
exemplary and useful members of instruction. The Litei'ati 
who formed the select instructors of Scotland about seventy 
years ago, united and reanimated the spirit of highland as 
of the lowland renown of our country in its capital ; and 
hence perhaps the rise and prosperity of the British Empire 
witii Scots migration in the east and the west and even at its 
capital in a very considerable degree. English prejudices 
were thus done away, and Ireland is now in train of joining 
the works and deeds of her ancient genius to the mass of 
British renown. Do you, dear madam, continue to give us 
so classically the best ideas of the merits and renown of our 
Caledonian ancestors, and like a daughter of Ossian, you will 
most effectually aid your country and the ardour to defend 
it against our enemies and our own commercial and civilisation 
dangers you see how sincerely I by these observations would wish 
you to continue your poetical amusements, and how anxious I 
would be to aid your friend Mr, Stuart in his useful pursuits, 
— I have the honour to be, dear Madam, Your most faithful 
and most humble servt. John Macpherson. 

P.S. — What you have written about Mr. James Macpherson 
and Ossian, etc. etc. is most correct and founded upon my 
early knowledge of that subject. My old friend Mr. Grant 

1 Cf. p. 286. 


of Coriemony never forgave his being completely taken in by 
the Wish of the Aged Bard, which you have so much improved 
in the translation of it into superior verses. Honest Evan 
Macpherson copied it, and as he valued himself on spelling 
Gaelic perfectly, he gave it its complete appearance of anti- 
quity to Coriemony''s eyes. You have, I hope, read the poem 
of your namesake, Charles Grant, Esq., junr.,^ which won the 
prize, on the Restoration of Learning in the east. Admirable ! 

Sunhury, Middlesex, March 20, 1808. 
Dear Sir, — I was disappointed at not hearing from you 
when I left Edinburgh, from a fear tliat your headache had 
been worse than usual, or some of you indisposed. I went up 
with an old friend and her husband, who had returned from 
India last year, and was now obliged to return to London, and 
too delicate to bear the land journey. There was a large 
party of us, who knew each other very well, and were glad to 
be together. We came up in four days, and our passage was 
on the whole a pleasant one. It is not possible for me to 
express how much I was hurried for nine days that I staid in 
London, by the kindness of my friends, who wish'd me during 
that little time to see everything, and be introduced to number- 
less people. Among these kind friends, ifs but just that I 
should mention Sir W. Farquhar s family, Mr. Fielding of the 
Palace, Mr. Hatsell of the House of Commons, his brothers 
and family, and, finally, the Bishop of London.^ The atten- 
tions of Mr. Charles Grant's family were still more gratifying, 
and may in some respects be more important to me. I have 
no one of new people that is new to me who has so charm 'd me 
by her attentions and by her manners as the Honble. Mrs. 
Stuart, who is married to the Primate of Ireland,^ and is a 
daughter of that Penn * wlio now represents the Legislator and 
founder of Pensylvania and Philadelphia, but all this is egotism 
quite from the purpose. Your business was never a moment 

1 Afterwards Lord Glenelg. 2 -q^ Beilby Porteus. 

3 The Hon. W. Stuart, fifth son of John, third Earl of Bute, became Archbishop 
of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland. 

* Sophia Margaret Juliana, daughter of Thomas Penn of Stoke- Pogis. 


out of my mind. The friend I came up with is a Niece of 
Major Macpherson's. I wrote directly on my arrival ; he is in 
a distant quarter, the name of which I forget. He answered me 
immediately ; but says that it will take him some time to recol- 
lect and look thro'' his papers before he can send me any intelli- 
gence worth transmitting ; yet expresses himself delighted that 
the cause is in so good hands. Having appointed to be here 
at a certain day, I broke away from London rather abruptly, 
which hurried me exceedingly. Yet I must return for a few 
days in April, and shall then meet, perhaps, the Major, if he 
comes to see his niece embark at any rate. I shall hear from 
him again, but that is not near so well. Excessive fatigue and 
exertion, with the addition of a great cold, make me write a 
very stupid letter, but I hope my head will clear when [there 
is an improvement in] the weather, which even in these Elysian 
shades is bleak and cold. I daily defer'd writing to Sir John,^ 
from an expectation of dining with him at Sir W. Farquhar's, 
who hop'd to induce him to break his resolution against dining 
out. He is indeed a very great invalid, but you may see how 
zealous he is to promote your undertaking, which I hope nothing 
less than ill health will induce you to relinquish or defer. 

I speak my very conscience, and do not mean a compliment, 
when I say you are the fittest person I think in the Kingdom 
for this undertaking. When I say this, it is because I know 
there is no highlandman existing that can bring to it the pre- 
requisites of learning, Antiquarian and Genealogical knowledge 
and habitual elegance and purity of style, besides vigour of 
mind, join'd as it seldom is with unwearied application. Were 
there an existing highlander possessing all these indispensables, 
who was at the same time a gentleman with full command of 
time, that highlander would be still better adapted to the 
work, but there is no such being. I need not tell you that in 
this case you are only an architect. It is not to be supposed 
that you shall create the marble and the mortar, 'tis enough 
that you polish and arrange. How humbly and how gladly 
would I drive a wheelbarrow to the undertaking, with all the 
materials I could collect, but this must be a work of time and 

Sir John Macpherson. 


patience, I pick'd up some anecdotes from a relation at Edr., 
which I will try to detail hereafter. Now I think of it, Dr. 
Stuart at Luss might be useful. He is a modest man, a good 
scholar, and, I should think, no bigot to Whiggism. Pray let 
me hear from you soon, to know how your undertaking thrives. 
I am charni'd beyond measure with the family and their mode 
of living here. I write Mrs. Stuart soon. Excuse headache, 
etc., and believe me, dear Sir, yours with esteem, 

Anne Grant. 

Whidsor, 14 June 1808. 
Dear Sir, — I am sure you must by this time consider me as 
a great trifler, and begin to lose all dependence on my pro- 
fessions of zeal in the cause you are engaged in, and of industry 
in gathering together antiques for the cabinet you are, I hope, 
busily constructing. I must begin my vindication by telling 
you a secret. At the request of particular friends I have been 
since the beginning of this year busily engaged in preparing 
for the press Memoirs of a deceasVI worthy well known in 
her time not only all over the Continent, but to all the dis- 
tinguishM persons who in her day led the British army to the 
Canadian frontier.^ But I shall refer for particulars to the 
Memoirs themselves, which will very soon appear ; by very 
soon, I mean before Christmas, for the delay of printers you 
know to be notorious. The conveniency of getting these 
Memoirs quietly arranged where my attention would not be 
every moment caird off by family cares was one motive for 
my accepting Sir John Legard's in[vitation], and yet I find 
difficulty, by dint of early rising, etc., to attend closely even 
for a few hours in a day to my subject, the kindness of many 
excellent people making many demands on my time. I was 
obliged to return for a fortnight to London to see several of 
my old acquaintance from America, who being near relations 
or intimate friends of my rever'd Patroness, whom I am now 
commemorating, can furnish me with anecdotes. One of my 
motives in returning to London was to meet Major Ewan 
Macpherson, who wrote to me that he deferred his communica- 

Madam Schuyler. 


tions till we should meet, and I being at any rate going to 
London, wished to time my return there so as to meet him. 
He was at that time suddenly appointed to some office which 
attached him to the troops now in Sweden ; calPd for me twice 
and mist me ; I sent to him, but found he was gone off express 
to the place of debarkation. You cannot imagine how much 
I was disappointed. I wrote to Sir John Macpherson some 
weeks ago, and that uncourtly knight, tho' he always talks 
of me to the Farquhars and others in terms of the warmest 
friendship, did not condescend to answer my letter; possibly 
he may have wrote north to his brother Martin and waits his 
answer, and in that case he may wait long enough, for Martin 
is the very Prince of Procrastination. I am quite of your 
opinion with regard to Sir John's epistolary talents ; they are 
certainly of the lowest order, and yet he governed India well, 
and is a kind-hearted, benevolent man. He is asthmatic and 
in very bad health, I was strongly tempted to call on him 
lately. I went by invitation, as you may suppose, to Fidham, 
the Bishop of London"'s Palace, May 20th, and staid four days, 
and there I saw more of the great and the noble than ever 
I imagined it could fall to my share to meet with. It is 
delightful to see the filial respect and attachment which 
many of the nobility seem to entertain for that venerable and 
amiable prelate. He was recovering from a serious illness, 
and from one o"'clock to five every day there was a constant 
succession of visitors of the first rank, both eminence of merit 
and station. But all these matters I hope to recount at leisure 
at Allanton on my return, when I hope to be admitted to pass 
a fortnight there. For you see there will be no such thing as 
returning at once to my native obscurity after having saiPd 
like a paper kite so far out of my element. I am charniM 
with the Bishop, and cannot say enough had I leisure of Mrs. 
Porteous. I am to have the privilege, for such I account it, 
of passing a little more time with them before I leave England. 
You will think me a perfect fugitive when you find this dated 
from Windsor. But the house from which I write, were I 
not bound down by prior engagements, has a more legitimate 
claim on my time and attention than any one in England. 
It is that which belongs to Miss Grant, alas now the only 


representative of the old Arndilly family. She and I have 
corresponded for two years past, and she was the cordial friend 
of my dear Charlotte, and has been in many respects a most 
usefid friend to me. She lives here very much confined by her 
attention to two declining nervous sisters, but is a person 
highly valued for worth, judgment, and singular benevolence. 
She is cousin to Lady , and was her guide and monitor, 
while the state of her mind admitted of influence. It will 
be a sufficient testimony of Miss G.'s merit to say that she 
was the valued friend of tiie late Mrs. Eliza Carter, and many 
other eminent persons, and that the Princess of Wales greatly 
wisird to have her about the young Princess. I came up here 
a day before with Isabella, but was hurried about seeing the 
place. I wish I had leisure to stay a little longer where I 
have met with so much affectionate kindness and so many 
objects of real interest. But I cannot indulge myself in a 
longer holiday from my book, and must return to-morrow. 
I find my task so often broke in that I have vow'd to suspend 
correspondence till it is done. But this is a holiday at any 
rate, and here I get a frank, which only now and then occurs 
at Sunbury. I wish at leisure to charm Mrs. Stuart by telling 
her of the fervent devotion of the good old King, whose 
morning prayers in his private Chapel I have attended at 8 
for three days past. I have, notwithstanding my constant ap- 
plication, which is really fatiguing, wrote to the Highlands 
for anecdotes. I should be zealous on your account tho' I did 
not care for the work, and zealous for the work''s sake tho' I 
did not care for you. Excuse the hasty and homely expression 
by which I describe this double stimulus. Our Rector at 
Sunbury is a Scotchman, and does us great credit as our 
countryman. Dining in his house last week I was awhile 
in his study, and happening to open the Statistical Accounts, 
all which he has, I lighted on that of an old acquaintance, 
Mr. Grant's co- presbyter, who mentions his having many 
papers in his hands that give light regarding the history of 
the family of Lochiel, which it appears he did not give to 
John Hume, wiio would scarce have asked the favour, keeping 
very shy of his old brethren. Fearing to overload this frank, 
which I got after I had folded my letters, I shall merely request 


you to cover and forward it to Killmallie, free, if possible, the 
within note. I am thus hurried for fear the man should die, 
and being that he is (I whisper this) a kind of gander, I can- 
not explain matters to him as I would to a person of more 
comprehension, and therefore simply ask the favour for myself. 
I am quite jealous that Mrs. Stuart has not wrote to me, and 
beg you will not [omit] to mark in her pocket book to remember 
to forget.^ Miss Stirling of Kippendavy — I forget this moment 
Miss Steuarfs cousin — was at Sunbury with Lord Glenbervy one 
day lately. They were Sir John's mother and sisters that you 
saw at York. Convey the expression of my sincere veneration 
to Mrs. Mackenzie, and bid Miss Steuart cherish the memory 
of her sincere wellwisher and your obliged servant, 

Anne Grant. 

Memoir of the Family or Lochiel 
Dear Sir, — It is in tracing the history of Man when lie has 
ceas'd to be a savage, and when his faculties, by a certain 
degree of moral culture, amid the benefits of social order, have 
begun to unfold. In short, it is in the patriarchal ages, before 
the coercion of laws and the tyranny of customs have trans- 
formed him into an artificial being, that we can study nature 
undebas'd by ferocity, and undisguised by refinement. 

Of these patriarchal ages, however, there are few memorials, 
because they were necessarily illiterate ones. Somewhat of the 
substance we see preserved in the sacred records, and somewhat 
of the shadow reflected in the compositions of the earlier poets 
of every nation. 

In those rugged and barren districts of our own country, 
which, sheltered by mountains that shut out both the con- 
queror and the legislator, retained traces of primitive manners 
long after they were effaced in all other places. Some remains 
of ancient attachment, confidence, and simplicity, subsisted 
even within the last century, among wide extended families, 
who lovM their head more than they fear'd him, and whose 
ardent and faithful attachment was the result and the reward of 
paternal kindness and protection, ever vigilant and unwearied. 

^ Vide Peter Pindar's ' Birthday Ode ' :— 
• Mem. 
' To remember to forget to ask 
Old Whitbread to my house one day.' 


It may be thought absurd to assimilate societies so warlike 
as these with the patriarchal modes of life. But it must be 
rememberM that their habitation was not assignM in those 
fertile meadows and extensive plains, where the primitive 
herdsmen tended their flocks amidst peaceful abundance. 
They became hunters from necessity, and the transition from 
the hunter to the warrior is a very short one. He who braves 
danger in the forest will not shun it in the field ; and he who 
goes always arni'd, will not readily submit to injury or insult. 
The hunter Esau, who pursued the sylvan chase thro' the 
forest of Mount Seir, was bred in the same pastoral tent, and 
under the same patriarchal dominion, with the shepherd Jacob, 
who fed his flocks in the adjoining plain, and seem'd equally 
solicitous to obtain the paternal blessing. Yet hardened by 
his manner of life, he was sturdy and self-righted, and evidently 
an object of terror to those who had injured him, tho"* the 
sequel shows him generous as brave. 

The interior of this mountainous district, which afforded 
shelter to those primitive hunters, was by the hand of nature 
parceird out into subdivisions, the limits of which were defin'd 
most distinctly, and easily defended. 

In every narrow vale, where a blue stream bent its course, 
some hunter of superior prowess, or some herdsman whom 
wisdom had led to wealth, and wealth to power, was the founder 
of a little community, who ever after looked up to the head of 
the family as their leader and their chief. Those chains of 
mountains which form'd the boundaries of their separate dis- 
trict had then their ascents cover'd with forests, which were 
the scene of their hunting excursions. When their eagerness 
in pursuit of their game led them to penetrate into the dis- 
tricts claimed by the chief of the neighbouring valley, a rash 
encounter was the probable consequence, which laid the founda- 
tion of future hostilities. 

These petty wars gave room to a display of valour and 
conduct in the chiefs, and produced a still closer cohesion and 
mutual dependence among their followers. These hasty ani- 
mosities were soon hushed into peace, yet often renewed. The 
consequence was that the clans became expert in arms, cautious, 
vigilant, and enterprising. They formed alliances, offensive 


and defensive, cemented them by intermarriages between the 
chief families of the confederating clans, governed their fol- 
lowers by a kind of polity not ill-regulated, and the chief had 
the power of life and death over all his large family (for such 
he considered his clan), but this was very sparingly us'd. In 
cases of long feud and much mutual exasperation, a chieftain 
might be cruel to his enemies, but never to his friends. To 
their own people they were invariably clement and indulgent. 
Nor were these paternal rulers in any sense so despotic as they 
have been represented ; so far otherwise, that of all monarchs 
they were the most limited, not being permitted to take a step 
of the least importance without consulting their friends. By 
this expression was meant the elders of their tribe, including 
relations so distant, that in any other country they would not 
be recognisM as such. But then in this council of elders, those 
who were not regarded as prudent and sagacious persons had 
no weight. It can scarcely be imagined by us, who depend not 
so much on the wisdom of our sages, how nicely they weighed 
and discriminated the degrees of intellect, and how carefully 
the wise or witty sayings of these oracles were treasur d up and 
delivered down to posterity. The poor laird could neither 
marry or give in marriage, raise a benevolence or levy war 
without the full consent of these counsellors, who, unless he 
happen''d to be a man of uncommon talents, governM him 
much more than he did them. He led out the tribe no doubt, 
but then they led out the families of which the tribe consisted, 
and unless perfectly satisfied with the ground of quarrel they 
would not move. 

The celerity with which they sometimes appeared in the 
field, was rather a proof of the unanimity of the clan than the 
despotism of the chief. 

Of the bold exertion of control usM by these mountain 
Hampdens, I am about to give a well-known instance. 

Sometime in the last years of the 16th century, there was 
a Laird of Grant, who was either in mind or body so enfeebrd 
that he was not able to maintain the requisite authority, even 
in his own immediate family. His eldest son, of whom the 
renowned Prince Hal seems to have been a prototype, was 
gaird I^aird Humphry. He was remarkable for ready wit, 


personal graces, bodily strength, and superior skill and dex- 
terity in all athletic games and exercises, but he was volatile, 
unprincipPd, profuse and licentious. He gathered up among 
the youth of the country a train as far as possible resembling 
himself, and thro' Strathspey and Murray, where the family 
had then large possessions, nothing was to be heard of but the 
excesses of Laird Humphry and his dissolute attendants. 
Having drank all the claret in Murray, and borrowed and run 
in debt till no one would trust them, he then returned to his 
own country, and honoured every house by turns with a visit, 
which lasted till he and his banditti had left nothing eatable 
or drinkable within the walls, besides polluting them with vice 
and intemperance. The elders in this extremity held a council, 
the result of which was, that if they did not immediately remove 
this pest, their importance and dignity as a clan was at an end. 
On this great occasion they laid not only their wits but their 
purses together, bought up Laird Humphry's debts, and laid 
him up in prison at Elgin, where he was confined till his death 
many years afterwards, the next heir in the meantime dis- 
charging all the functions of a chieftain. Now the chief 
justice, by whom the heir-apparent was imprisoned, show'd no 
greater firmness, and ran no greater risk. 

I could give a hundred instances of the freedom of speech 
allow'd the subject in these supposed arbitrary dominions, but 
shall confine myself with a very modern one within my own 

There remain yet more vestiges of this dominion of the affec- 
tions in the lesser Hebrides than in any other part of [the] 

The Macniels of Barra have possessed that island without a 
rival or competitor for time immemorial, and it is a very 
singular circumstance in the history of that family, that nine- 
teen Roderick Macniels ^ in succession have inherited that estate 
without any of them having a brother ; the lady always had 
one son, who continued the family, but never had more. Thus 
there was in the family of Barra a great dearth of hereditary 
counsellors, yet every islander was ready in his own humble, or 
rather familiar, way to proffer advice. 

^ This is not so. 


About twenty years ago Barra, without asking the consent 
of his islanders, came to Lochaber to solicit the hand of the 
beautiful and amiable daughter of Cameron of Fassfern, 
nephew to the banish'd Lochiel. Among the rowers that 
brought his boat from Barra was an old man of the lower 
class, who had been perhaps his father's foster-brother or one 
of the island sages. 

A few days after his arrival he was walking with other 
gentlemen in the street of Maryburgh,^ when old Ronald calFd 
out in his native tongue, ' Rory, do you hear ? I say, Rory." 
' Yes, I hear you very well, but am engaged at present."" ' But 
wait, Rory, is it indeed true what I hear of your marriage ? ' 
'Be quiet, I have gentlemen with me; I will speak with you 
again."* ' Nay, but Rory, dear Rory, be cautious, "'tis the 
mother of your children you are seeking; you do not need 
money ; but is she prudent and modest, tell me that, Rory ? '' 
And all this in a loud voice in the open street. I should have 
premised that Barra is a well-bred, respectable, worthy man, 
whose appearance and manners might claim distinction where- 
ever he is seen. The man's freedom was not the grossness of 
vulgar familiarity, nor Barra's forbearance the want of dignity. 
It was the earnestness of affectionate simplicity on the one 
side, and the condescension of true greatness of mind on the 
other. There is a volume of character in this simple anecdote. 

Yet simplicity in that sense which precludes penetration 
into human character, and occasional stratagem and finesse, 
made no part of the highland manners. They were often 
necessitated from their manner of carrying 
predatory excursions, to be like Arviragus, 

' Subtle as the fox for prey, 
Like warlike as the wolf for what they eat ' ; (Shakespeare) 

while their peculiarly social mode of living together, the 
address necessary to conciliate and adjust jarring interests 
among allied clans, and the habit of making all private con- 
siderations subservient to the good of the community, sharpened 
their native sagacity and enlarged their minds. Meantime 

Now Fort-William. 


their excessive delight in poetry, music, and the tales in which 
the heroic deeds of their ancestors were preserved, communi- 
cated to their imaginations a tender and romantic enthusiasm, 
which gave a high and peculiar colouring to their affections 
and their virtues. Without entering into any discussion of the 
disputed question relative to the antiquity or authenticity of 
their boasted Ossian, it is undeniably certain that remains, 
undoubtedly genuine, of poems composed by the bards attached 
to certain great families, within these three or four centuries, 
still exist sufficient to do honour both to the genius and the 
virtues of this secluded people. 

These remains are peculiarly valuable for the high strain of 
heroic generosity and pure morality which breathe thro' them 
and entitles the Mountain Muse to praise, 

' Beyond all Greek^ beyond all Roman fame.' 

It is to be observed to the honour of those untaught bards 
that their wild strains of eulogy and lamentation never faiFd 
to wait upon departed merit, however deprest or unfortunate. 
No highland worthy ever died ' uncelebrated or unsung.' 

The gallant Marquis of Montrose, tho' no highlander him- 
self, had often led tlie clans in alliance with his family to 
victory, and finally to defeat. He who was indeed 

' The courtier's^ scholar's, soldier's eye, tongue, sword. 
The observed of all observers ' — {Hamlet) 

had not a single chaplet hung upon his hearse but those woven 
by the hands of his faithful mountaineers. Their plaintive 
and pathetic strains have flow'd abundantly, and the Shion 
shuil Glweumach — the wine blood of the Grahame, a common 
figure, to express generous and high descended blood, in the 
Celtic poetry — shed at the cross of Edinburgh, still wakes 
the throb of indignant sympathy in every highland cottage. 
Of this accomplished Hero, who was himself an elegant and 
classical poet, no one tuneful memorial is to be found in the 
English language ; yet he has departed in the light of his 
renown, and his name lives in the song of the bards. 

There were two great principles held in the utmost reverence 
in the Highlands on wliich much of the peace and order of 
society depend everywhere. In the first place, the violation of 


an oath, or even a promise once solemnly made, was regarded 
with unspeakable horror. Then the conjugal union was held 
so sacred that infidelity was scarcely heard of, and the criminal, 
when such there was, universally detested. 

This picture of Highland society may appear a flattering 
one: yet those best acquainted with the subject will allow it 
to be a sketch very faithfully drawn. No doubt there are 
shades and some very dark ones. When the sword and 
balance are not plac'd under legal sanctions in appropriate 
hands, the irregular efforts of daring individuals to execute 
summary justice or redress dubious wrongs produce dreadful 

Of these I shall give one or two striking instances. When 
feuds ran high between contending clans, their last resort for 
security was to fortify a small island in one of the lakes with 
which that country abounds. Then by bringing in all the 
boats on the approach of an enemy they were secure from all 
danger. The south side of Loch Ness is calPd Strath Erick, 
from some powerful Dane who once attempted to force that 
pass, and was opposed by Cuming, head of that clan.^ This 
Cuming, being mortally wounded, sat down to rest on the top 
of a high mountain, over which the military road has been 
since carried. There he expired, and there still remains a cairn 
or rude monument of stones erected to his memory, which is 
perpetuated by the name of the mountain, Suie Chuiman, 
the seat of Cuming. Descending from the mountain you 
arrive at a little plain beside the Tarfe, where the warrior 
was interred. This is calPd Cillchuhnan, the tomb of Cuming, 
and is now the site of Fort Augustus. This district belonged 
to the Frazers, who, being often at war with the Macintoshes 
and Macdonalds, their neighbours, felt the want of an island 
to secure their families in when they went on expeditions. 
They, like the Venetians, made an artificial one in a small 
bay of Loch Ness by sinking piles of wood and then heaping 
up stones. Part of this artificial island still remains, and is 
caird the Cherry Isle, from some trees of that kind planted on 
it. There, too, are to be seen the remains of a castle once 

1 The Cumyns at one time seem to have included Lochaber as well as Badenoch 
in their vast possessions. 


belonging to the Lovat family. In this lonely fortress, some 
time about the middle of the fifteenth century, Lovat left his 
three daughters while he went out on some warlike excursion. 
One of these young ladies was very beautiful, and was belovM 
by Lovafs neighbour to the westward, Macdonald of Glengary. 
Not liking her family, however, he did not make open proposals, 
but strove privately to win her affections. This dishonourable 
attempt was repuls'd with due indignation. Resentment and 
dislike to her family now prompted this recreant lover to take 
an unmanly revenge by slandering the object of his passion. 

Apprized of this the injurd fair one sent a message in the 
most private manner to Glengary by her foster-father, acquaint- 
ing him that on the following night she should send her 
attendants different ways, and alone in the castle wait to 
receive him at midnight. 

Glengary gladly complied with the assignation, yet did not 
go unarm''d. For this the damzels were prepared. The en- 
trance to these castles generally led to a kind of hall on the 
ground floor, to which three or four steps of a descent led 
down. In the dusk of the evening the old man, by direction, 
kiird a bullock and spread the new-flay'd hide, with the inside 
outwards, upon these steps. Whenever the expected lover set 
foot on this slippery descent he slid backwards, as was in- 
tended. The old man, who waited at the bottom with a 
Lochaber axe, severed his head in a moment from his body. 
The lady who offer'd this victim to her violated fame did not 
long enjoy her triumph undisturbed. The deed (in which the 
perpetrators gloried) was soon known. 

The Macdonalds led their force against Lovat, overpowered 
and took him prisoner. They carried him into the deepest 
recess of a thick wood, where swarms of flies were attracted 
by the close sultry heat. There they bound him to a tree, 
and opening his mouth as wide as possible fixed a stick to 
prevent its closing, that he might be chok'd by the insects 
which would in these circumstances fly into it. In this ex- 
tremity some one proposM to spare his life on condition that 
he would take the great oath to relinquish the estate of Aber- 
tarph to the Glengary family. They, the Glengary family, 
enjoy 'd it till the late General Frazer purchased it back in '76. 


Abertarph is that picturesque district watered by the rivers 
Tarph and Oich, in which Fort Augustus lies, and which 
extends westward from the head of Loch Ness to Loch Oich 
by Invergarrie house. 

Lovat on this occasion departed from his dignity as a chief. 
According to the receiv''d notions he was not allowed to part 
with territory for the preservation of his life. 

The clans possessed unequal shares of power and numbers, 
yet the prevalence of mind was here strongly mark'd. A clan 
which had been ruFd by a succession of wise and brave leaders 
soon deriv'd such consequence from the abilities of its chiefs 
as made it greatly preponderate in the scale of political 
importance over others more numerous and possessing more 

Among these, that of the Camerons was particularly dis- 
tinguished. Many gentlemen of this name possessed property, 
such as Dungallan, Callart, Glendissery, Clunes, etc. etc., but 
all acknowledged Lochiel as their chief, and literally resigned 
their lives and fortunes in whatever cause he adopted. A 
succession of able and honourable men supported the credit 
of the clan, and by judicious and respectable marriages created 
useful connections to the family. Perhaps even our frugal 
country did not afford an instance of a family who liv'd in so 
respectable a manner and show'd such liberal and dignified 
hospitality on so small an income. 

Their authority, supported by the general confidence in 
their personal virtues, was indisputed. Yet justice requires 
that even this generous clan and their successive gallant 
leaders should not receive unqualified praise. 

The clan, with very little scruple of conscience, were wont 
to make excursions in search of prey, which they denominated 
a spreath.^ They were, however, more honest and more de- 
corous than the Elliots or Armstrongs of the border. Their 
chief never headed their excursions, never shar'd their prey, 
and severely punish'd them when they trespassed on the bounds 
of any ancient ally of the family. To this effect there is a 
letter among the archives of the Grants, written with all the 

Probably a confusion of creachadh, a foray, with sp-eidh, cattle. 


air of ceremonious dignity which one sovereign might be sup- 
posed to use in addressing another.^ 

It seems there had been an aUiance by marriage between the 
chiefs of the two clans, in consequence of which a close friend- 
ship subsisted between the tribes. A band of the Camerons 
set out to make depredations on the inhabitants of the east 
coast. They had to cross the island from sea to sea (their 
way lying thro"* Badenoch and Strathspey) before they arrived 
at their destination. Returning thro' the dark passes of the 
mountains with a heavy prey of cattle the Grant herdsmen 
saw, or thought they saw, some of their own cattle among 
them. These they reclaimed : a scuffle ensu'd, for it was a 
point of honour with highlanders to rescue their cattle from 
depredators at the extreme risk of life, else they were for 
ever disgracM. The skirmish between these enrag'd com- 
batants was so sharp that some lives were lost on the part 
of the Grants. The Laird of Grant wrote to his Right traist 
Cousin Lochiel, representing how utterly impossible it was to 
put up with this flagrant violation of the friendship subsist- 
ing between the clans without due satisfaction for the injury 

Lochiel in answer assured his good cousin of his great con- 
cern for the injury his people had sustain'^d. ' We would not 
willingly,"" says he, 'that any of our men should skaith the 
lieges in your bounds, they only went forth to make a spreath 
upon the land of Murray, whence all men take their prey.' 

A Cameron of the lower [order] was condemned, and I believe 
executed to appease the wrath of the Clan Grant ; he did not 
suffer for taking cattle at the risk of his life from those whose 
business it was manfully to defend their property. Far less 
was he condemned for defending himself when attacked. His 
crime was violating the arm'd neutrality and breaking the 
ancient league, offensive and defensive, subsisting between the 

The Lochiels had for some generations been men of a com- 
manding appearance, robust, athletic make, and dark hair and 

1 The letter referred to is seemingly one from Allan Cameron of Lochiel to 
Sir James Grant of Freuchie, dated i8th October 1645. Cf. Chiefs of Grant, 
vol. ii. p. 76. 


complexion. So many deeds of fame had been achievM by 
chiefs of this complexion, equally brave and fortunate, that 
superstition began to note it as a lucky one, and finally it was 
foretold by gifted seers that a fair Lochiel should never prove 
a fortunate one. 

In the year 1675 was born Ewan du, or dark-hair'd Evan, 
who was fated by his courage, fidelity, generosity, and loyalty, 
to eclipse all his predecessors.^ He was singularly belov'd by 
his people ; and besides the virtues of his heart, and the powers 
of his understanding, possessed that vigilance, prompt exertion, 
and determined firmness, which peculiarly fitted him for those 
military employments in which he afterwards distinguished 
himself. He very early displayed his attachment to the abdi- 
cated monarch, iiaving led a considerable body of Camerons to 
the assistance of Viscount Dundee, at the Pass of Killiecrankie.^ 
Here his courage and conduct went near to turn the fortune of 
the day. How this conduct came to be overlooked by Govern- 
ment, at the very time that Glencoe, who was just at Lochiers 
door, became the object of such signal vengeance, does not 
appear. Nor can it at this time be easily accounted for. 
His popular character, and powerful connections, might make 
it seem worth while to conciliate him ; but if that was the 
intention, it does not appear to have succeeded. 

Some time after, about the end of King Williames reign, his 
son John went privately to France. He was an intelligent 
man, of frank and pleasing manners, who had more knowledge, 
and had associated more with his superiors than was usual for 
the chieftains of those days. There is reason to suppose that 
it was about this time that he became acquainted with the 
Duke of Berwick, who had a great friendship for him. 

About this time too, Barclay of Urie, well known as the 
acute and able apologist of the Quakers, was also in France at 
that time, when probably commenced the acquaintance which 

^ Eoghainn Dubh was really born in 1629, and died at the age of ninety in 
1719. He married (i.) Mary, daughter of Sir Donald MacDonald of Sleat ; 
(2.) Isabel, daughter of Sir Lachlan Maclean of Duart ; (3.) Jean, daughter 
of David Barclay of Urie. 

^ At Killiecrankie he carried the royal standard. For a description of his 
appearance, vide Macaulay's History of England, chap, xiii. 


soon after produced a matrimonial alliance between the families 
of Urie and Lochiel.^ 

This marriage was an additional proof of the gallant chiefs 
independence of mind and deserved [all praise]. 

In the meantime every effort was made by the ruling powers 
at home to detach Lochiel from his allegiance to the abdicated 

Great offers were made him on the part of Government. 
He was to have a pension of .^SOO a year, which was to descend 
to his son (whom they were particularly anxious to lure back 
to Scotland), and to be Governor of Fort William. 

This generous chieftain, however, was above temptation. 
While Government were thus vainly negotiating with him, a 
very different kind was carrying on between Sir Ewan and 
another distinguished chief. 

Alaster Du (Dark Alexander) of Glengarrie, whose territories 
bordered on those of Lochiel, and whose castle was situated on 
Loch Oich, not many miles from Achnacarrie, is still celebrated 
in the poetry and traditions of his own country, for wisdom, 
valour, and magnanimity.^ He was the head of a very powerful 
tribe styling themselves Macdonells, in contra-distinction to 
the Macdonalds of the Isles, whose claim of superiority they 
always resisted, claiming to be a distinct family descended 
from the ancient Earls of Antrim in the north of Ireland. 
Indeed, the bards and sennachies of the house of Glengarrie 
did not fail even here to claim precedence, alleging that the 
family of Antrim derived of them. Be this as it may, the 
Glengarrie family had at tiiis time reached the acme of their 
power and popularity. An immediate predecessor of the 
renown'd Alaster had added literary and civic honours to the 
wild wreathes that had flourished round the brows of his 
ancestors. He had in consequence of his talents and attain- 
ments been created a Lord of Session, at a time when no little 
power and consequence was attached to that office.^ He went 

^ Robert Barclay of Urie, the Apologist, born 1648, educated at the Scots 
College, Paris, returned to Scotland 1664, died 1690. 

- Cf. Macaulay's History of England, chap. xiii. 

^ The reference is probably to ^neas Macdonell, ninth of Glengarry, who 
was raised to the peerage in 1660 as Lord Macdonell and Arros. No Glengarry 
was ever a Lord of Session. 


afterwards to Italy, where he acquired a taste for architecture; 
and on his return built the Castle of Invergarrie (part of the 
walls of which still remain undemolish''d) on the model of an 
edifice of the same kind which had attracted his attention at 

The heroic Alaster du succeeded to all the honours and all 
the popularity of his predecessor, and in sincere, however mis- 
placed loyalty to the house of Stuart, equalFd his neighbour 
Sir Evan. 

Both men of abilities, integrity, and candour; and both 
stimulated by an ardent zeal for the cause which to them 
appeared just. All tlie rivalry so usual between neighbouring 
clans was swallow'd up by the powerful sentiment which united 

They concerted all the plans of their political measures 
or military operations together, and led their united clan 
to guard the hard-disputed Pass of Killiecrankie, where Glen- 
garrie had a brother kilFd, and several Camerons of note 
fell victims to their principles. After this hard struggle the 
two chieftains returned to their respective abodes. Glen- 
garrie, for some reason which does not now distinctly appear, 
was more obnoxious to Government than Sir Ewan, who very 
composedly occupied the house of Achnacarrie, tho' it was 
not very defensible and stood near the garrison ; while 
Glengarrie found it necessary to retire for some time. His 
followers being at that time uncivilised, and less amenable 
to regular discipline than the Camerons, had probably by 
their ravages provok'd a more aggravated hostility. 

He retired for some time among the woods and mountains 
of Glengarrie, remaining sometimes for days together in a 
small wooded island of Locharkaig, where tradition says they 
contrived a stratagem to elude the threatened vengeance of 
Government, which was afterwards put into execution with a 
dexterity and resolution equal to the subtlety and secrecy 
with which it was plan'd. It is said that some young men 
belonging to the most powerful families in England had come 
down with a certain regiment then lying at Fort William, 
to see the country, and take a share in the desultory warfare 
then carried on. These youths were accounted cadets or 


volunteers. Of such many were attached to every regiment 
in those days, who got a soldier''s pay if they chose to accept 
it, were considered as pupils in the art of war, at liberty to 
retire if they chose, and eligible, being often persons of family, 
to fill the vacancies which war or disease occasioned among 
the subalterns. This regiment was now about to occupy the 
garrisons of Stirling and Dumbarton, and was most probably 
succeeded by some other regiment. These who had been 
amusing themselves with their fowling pieces on the way to 
the Black Mount, were engaged with each other in conver- 
sation, and bringing up the rear with some of the staff, 
and little dreading an assault in desolate regions where 
there are no inhabitants but a few wandering herds- 
man, and in a country which they considered as completely 

Two hundred well-arm^d and light-footed highlanders, 
however, lay conceaFd in the heath and bushes in a narrow 
pass, confined on one side by a steep mountain, and on the other 
by a small lake by the path, for road there was none, that led 
towards Teyandrem ^ or the Black Mount. When the rear of the 
regiment to which these youths were passing fearlessly thro' 
the deep solitude, as they thought it, of this savage district, 
the highlanders sprung so suddenly from their ambuscade, 
that before they could recollect themselves sufficiently to have 
recourse to their arms for defence, these dexterous partisans 
had snatch'd away their prey. This consisted of eight or ten 
young men of the description above mentioned, and a few more 
of less note, whom in their indiscriminate haste they had 
swept away with the rest. 

There were some shots firM in the confusion which produced 
little effect besides alarming the regiment. 

This sudden and mysterious disappearance of their young 
eleves excited the utmost concern and perturbation among the 
superior officers. They could not possibly define the purport 
and tendency of this manoeuvre ; that so many people should 
venture their lives in this bold enterprise against unequal 
odds was very wonderful, if the intention were merely to carry 



away a few prisoners, and thus incense a power able to crush 
them in an instant. 

What they knew of the sagacity and forecast of the chief- 
tains and their habit of acting in concert on emergencies, 
forbid them to indulge the supposition of its being a mere 
predatory attack, the dictate of revenge or sudden caprice. 
Utterly at a loss for the motive of this well-concerted 
stratagem, they were equally puzzl'd how to act in con- 
sequence of it. To pursue them was useless, being entirely 
ignorant of their route. To divide into parties was unsafe 
in what now clearly appeared to be a hostile country. To 
spoil and ravage the country while uncertain from what district 
or clan this unseen blow came, was to shake the wavering 
allegiance of some, and kindle others into fatal desperation. 

After revolving all things in their minds, it appearM to 
them most probable that this plan was the result of that 
smothered hostility which their own rashness and insolence 
had fomented, and that the intention was to engage them in 
a pursuit which should afford advantage to some large arm'd 
body lurking in the fastnesses for that purpose, to rush upon 
them and destroy them when involved in those intricate and 
dangerous passes which were only safe for the natives. 

Afraid to pursue the aggressors, and asham'd to communi- 
cate to Government the result of a transaction from which they 
derived so little credit, it was determined they should march 
silently on and suspend all measures of retaliation till they 
had some sure grounds to go on, by discovering the real 
aggressors and the tendency of this outrage. At Dumbarton 
they found a letter address''d to the commander of the corps, 
informing them ' that certain chiefs of clans who had no 
objections to King William's ruling in England, considering 
that nation as at liberty to choose its own rulers, but that tliey 
never could consistent with oaths they had repeatedly sworn 
on their arms and by all that is holy, take an oath to any 
other sovereign while any of the family at St. Germains con- 
tinued to exist. That they, however unwilling to perjure 
themselves or to hold their lands in daily fear, subject to the 
insults of the petty instruments of power and to the ground- 
less accusation of treason to the ruling powers, were willing 


to live quietly under the present rulers as long as their con- 
science was not forc'd, nor their possessions disturbed/ 

These last, they said, they and their followers were resoWd 
to defend from aggression with the last drop of their blood. 
But in the meantime, to prevent as far as possible encroach- 
ments which might drive them into hostilities with a govern- 
ment, which, tho' they did not acknowledge, they meant not 
hereafter to disturb, they had taken hostages to insure their 
safety, and these they would never part with till Sir Evan 
and Alaster Du had obtained assurances that while they liv'd 
peaceably on their lands they should not be disturbed for their 
principles, nor for any part they had formerly acted when 
government was so little settled or established that no man 
obeying the Sovereign to whom he had originally sworn 
allegiance, could be said to disturb the peace of a country 
for the mastery of which rival Sovereigns seem''d contending. 

This proposal was accompanied with a strong and pathetic 
remonstrance on the folly and danger of alienating and finally 
exasperating clans powerful from their union and from the 
inaccessible country they inhabited, by treating them with 
continued harshness and distrust, and making the tenderness 
of their conscience and their fidelity (while it could be available) 
to their unfortunate exiFd Sovereign, a pretext to lay them 
at the mercy of 'every petty petling officer' who might 
think fit to experserate them into hostility that he might 
treat them as rebels. They quoted the late horrid massacre 
of Glencoe as justifying this measure of precaution, and 
threatened if their petition was rejected to take refuge with 
their prisoners in France and proclaim to all Europe the 
impolicy and cruelty of the treatment which had been the 
means of driving them there. 

This remonstrance and petition for immunity, after being 
secretly and carefully perused, was despatched by a private 
express, not to the council (the king being then for the last 
time abroad), but to the relations of the young captives who 
were deeply interested in the success of the negotiation, and 
whose wives and sisters, at a time when the generality of even 
well informed people were shamefully ignorant of the manners 
and character of the Scottish mountaineers, might apprehend 


that their kinsmen might be not only kill'd but eaten by these 
remorseless savages, as they considered them. 

Besides these private considerations, the aspect of public 
affairs was more favourable for the success of such an ' arm'd 
neutrality"' than at any former period. William had outliv'd 
his queen, and with that popularity which her gentle and 
gracious manners attracted, and which was repclFd by his 
cold and forbidding ones, he was visibly declining in health, 
and the honours due to him as a patriot hero (whose very 
ambition was sanctified by the noble end he uniformly pursued) 
had not their due influence in a country, torn by the factions 
which divided a jealous aristocracy and a turbulent populace. 

William's love of power was all directed to that single 
object, which had been the ruling passion of his life, the 
preserving the liberties of Europe from the encroachments of 

If he was eager amidst all his affected indifference to obtain 
the dominion of this island, it was that he might turn all its 
resources against the common enemy. Thus engrossed by his 
military pursuits and foreign politics, it was little to be ex- 
pected that he should take an intimate concern in those dark 
corners of his dominions where an ' Imperium in Imperio "' still 
subsisted that eluded or resisted the ordinary regulations of 
civil government. These he left to the great officers of state 
in that turbulent kingdom, which foreigners were too ignorant, 
and natives too knowing to govern aright. By too knowing, 
I mean that they knew too well the confederacies and relative 
interests of their own tribes and factions to rule impartially. 

Meanwhile, William, who had never been much lov'd, now 
childless and declining, was less fear'd than formerly. All 
eyes were turn'd towards the court of the Princess of Denmark, 
who, in herself, mild, pious and estimable, derived additional 
popularity with the adverse party, from tlie coldness subsisting 
between her and the king. 

The consequence which she derived from being the recognised 
successor to the crown, was considerably augmented by her 
being the mother of a son to whom the nation fondly look'd 
up as the descendant of their ancient line of monarchs, born 
in their own country, and bred up in those religious and 


political principles for which they had suffered and sacrificed 
so much. 

The partisans of this court, which had already obtained 
considerable influence over the minds of the people, were not 
inclined to regard with much severity a stratagem which a late 
tragical event had in some degree authorised, and after a secret 
negotiation, the grounds of which, it is said, were never com- 
municated to the king, both Sir Evan and Glengarrie were 
assured of safety for the future, and impunity for the past. 
The youths went home pleas'd with their treatment and the 
amusements which had been devis'd for them in their retreat. 

The credit of this fact rests merely on the country tradition, 
and the silence concerning it in the publications and records 
of these times is accounted first, by the shame which the com- 
manders of the regiment felt at being thus surprised and out- 
witted by an inferior number of those whom they had been 
accustomed to style barbarians and treat as such. 

Those on the other hand who had been urg^d by their 
concern for the safety of their relatives to bring about this 
treaty without assigning their motives, were equally interested 
in concealing it. 

Sir Evan and Glengarrie [lived] peaceably unquestionM all 
the ensuing reign, which was a very happy one for these and 
the neighbouring chieftains who were no longer forc\l to meet 
clandestinely in their favourite island, and whose friendship 
for each other continued undiminishM thro' life. Few chief- 
tains have been so much beloved and admired in life, or so sung 
and celebrated after it as these memorable friends, who still 
live in the lays of their native bards. 

The Keppochs, a highland family of the name of Macdonell 
or Macdonald, I am not sure which, have been long distin- 
guished for valour and for genius, to which I might add the 
personal advantages of grace and beauty. Sheelah or Julia, 
an eminent poetess of this accomplished family, who was 
niarried to Gordon of Belderno, was contemporary with these 
mountain heroes.^ In her youth she must have known them 

1 Well known in Gaelic as Sileas na Ceapach. Slie married Alexander Gordon 
of Beldorney. 


well, Keppoch being in the close neighbourhood both of Inver- 
garrie and Achnacarrie. 

Her family, if I mistake not, were cadets of Glengarrie,^ and 
in the nmnerous lyrics that owe their birth to her prolific 
muse, much of the history of that family and even of that 
period, may be trac'd, for after her connection by marriage 
with the Gordons, the virtues and valour of that powerful 
tribe, and the vicissitudes to which its heads were subjected 
are by turns the object of eulogy and lamentation. 

The enthusiasm with which her character was deeply ting'd, 
seems to iiave been not only poetical, but heroic, patriotic, and 
in a very high degree devotional. She was a Catholic too, 
and took every advantage that a religion so pompous and 
picturesque offered, to embellish her poetry with the peculiar 
imagery it afforded. The hymns and sacred rhapsodies of 
Sheelah are still the consolation and delight of all pious 
highland Catholics. Of her monody on the death of the 
renown''d Alaster Du, or at least of one of the many poems 
she consecrated to his memory, follows an extract literally 
translated, and selected more for its singularity than any 
superiority of poetical merit : 

' Dark Alexander of Glengarrie, 
Thou art departed and we remain forlorn. 
Thou wert our guard, our comfort, and our ornament, 
Thou wert admir'd of lovely women. 
Thou wert the pleasure of heroic men, 
Thou wert as among metals as the most pure gold. 
Thou wert as the nohlest Lyon among the beasts, 
Among the birds as is the Eagle of strongest wing. 
As is the shapely Salmon of bright scales among the fish, 
As is the moon among Stars, 
Or the fair-hair'd sun amidst revolving planets,' etc. etc. 

The parallel betwixt Alastar Du and every object of tran- 
scendent worth is carried much further, and concluded with 
some very tender and pathetic retrospections of the past and 
sublime anticipation of the future. 

But it is time to leave our poetess and our hero to return 

^ They were not. The family of Glengarry are said to be descended from the 
marriage of John first Lord of the Isles with Amie MacRuari, Lady of Garmoran ; 
the family of Keppoch from his marriage with the Princess Margaret, daughter 
of Robert li. 


to the more immediate subject of this Memoir. Sometime in 
the latter years of tlie reign of King William, Sir Evan had 
the satisfaction of seeing a marriage take place betwixt his son 
John and the beautiful and estimable daughter of Barclay of 
Urie, the apologist for the Quakers.^ 

It is well known that the doctrine so abhorr'd and reviPd of 
passive obedience and non-resistance makes a part of the tenets 
of this primitive and inoffensive sect. They were (perhaps on 
that very account) patronised by James the Second, and always 
retainVl a kindness for the abdicated family. This is the only 
point of agreement I can possibly see between a meek and 
simple Quaker, and a lofty and ambitious highland chieftain. 
But John, the son of Sir Evan, tho' obscured in some measure 
by the too near brightness of his illustrious parent (and his 
own voluntary exile in his early days) was possessed of superior 
qualities of mind and innate worth sufficient to induce so good 
a judge as Barclay to consider him worthy of his alliance. Sir 
Evan cordially approved of this marriage, which was indeed 
every way respectable. This was an additional proof of the 
old chieftain's good sense, for it was in those days an unheard- 
of thing for a highland chief to marry without the consent 
of his whole clan. When he did marry it was generally the 
daughter of some neighbouring great man, acquainted with 
the language and manners of that country. 

This singular choice of the younger Lochiel, however, soon 
met the sanction of general approbation. Before the ancient 
chief, full of years and honours, slept with his fathers, he had 
the comfort to witness the happiness his son deriv"'d from this 
marriage, and to see him live very respectably and altogether 
undisturbM in the seat of his ancestors. This serene aspect of 
matters continued unrufflVl during the whole reign of Queen 
Anne, a Princess whose memory the highlanders hold in the 
highest veneration on account of the tranquillity and plenty 
they enjoyM during her reign, which was advantageously con- 
trasted with the former and subsequent periods. Indeed King 

^ It was Sir Ewen himself who married as his third wife Jean, daughter of 
Colonel David Barclay of Urie, and sister of Robert Barclay the Apologist. John 
Cameron of Lochiel married Isabel, daughter of Sir Alexander Campbell of 


William was most unjustly made accountable for the famine 
(a very severe one of seven years' continuance) which depopu- 
lated some inland districts of the highlands during his reign. 
The scarcity was extreme everywhere in those pastoral countries 
which at best produce very little grain. But on the seaside 
the supply of marine productions of various kinds afforded 
constant relief, for not only fish but the algae and other sea- 
weeds afforded sustenance to this distressed people. If poor 
King William was blam'd for a famine which was considered 
as a visitation on his public and personal sins, tho"* the suffer- 
ing devoWd wholly on others, the singularly rich crops which 
land too long left fallow afforded in the times of good Queen 
Anne were in a great measure attributed to her pious prayers. 
It was in short all over the highlands a period of peaceful 
abundance, still held in grateful remembrance, during which 
the Whig Lyon endured and sometimes even fondPd the Tory 
Kid. And had the Duke of Gloucester liv'd the distinction of 
parties would in a great measure have been obliterated by the 
mild sway of this benevolent Princess. I only speak of parties 
as they existed in the highlands. 

The Quaker lady meantime acquird the language of the 
country, and became distinguished for prudence, activity, and 
affability ; no chieftainess could be more popular. One great 
defect she had, however, which was more felt as such in the 
highlands than it would have been in any other place. She 
did not, as a certain resolute countrywoman of hers was advisM 
to do, ' bring forth men children only.' On the contrary, she 
had twelve daughters in succession, a thing scarce pardonable 
in one who was look'd up to and valued in a great measure as 
being the supposed mother of a future chief.^ 

In old times women could only exist while they were de- 
fended by the warrior and supported by the hunter. When 
this dire necessity in some measure ceas'd the mode of thinking 
to which it gave rise continued, and, after the period of youth 

^ This is nonsense. By his three wives Sir Ewen had altogether fifteen children, 
of whom eleven were daughters. Jean Barclay was the mother of seven daugh- 
ters and one son, who was her eldest child. John Lochiel's children consisted 
of one daughter and seven sons, the eldest of whom was Donald, the ' Gentle 
Lochiel ' of the '45. 


and beauty was past, woman was only consider^ as having 
given birth to a man. 

John LochiePs mind was above this illiberal prejudice. He 
fondly welcomed his daughters and caress'd their mother on 
their appearance as much as if every one of them had been a 
young hei'o in embryo. His friends and neighbours us'd on 
these occasions to ask in a sneering manner, ' What has the 
lady got?' To which he invariably answered, 'A lady indeed.' 
This answer had a more pointed significance there than with 
us, for in the highlands no one is calTd a lady but a person 
married to the proprietor of an estate. All others, however 
rich or high born, are only gentlezvomen. How the prediction 
intentionally included in the chief's answer was fulfilled will 
hereafter appear. 

Besides the family title, every highland chieftain has a 
patronymic derived from the most eminent of their ancestors, 
probably the founder of the family, and certainly the first who 
conferred distinction on it. Thus Argyle is the son of Colin, 
Breadalbane the son of Archibald, etc. ; and the chief of the 
Camerons was always styPd son of Donald Du, Black Donald, 
whatever his name or complexion may be. This dark com- 
plexion, as well as the appellation deriv'd from it, became, it 
would appear, hereditary in the family, and at length it became 
a tradition or prophecy among the clan that a fair Lochiel 
should never prosper. 

After the birth of the twelve daughters, to the great joy of 
the clan, an heir appeared, but their satisfaction was not a 
little check'd on finding the ill-omen'd laird was as fair as any 
of his sisters. Tho' fair, however, he was not effeminate, but 
added to the dignity of appearance and muscular strength 
which distinguished his ancestors a singularly mild and en- 
gaging countenance. He was calPd Donald.^ Archibald, 
afterwards known as the hard-fated Dr. Cameron, and John, 
denominated Fassfern, from the possession he held, were born 
soon after. The proud prediction of their father was soon 
amply fulfilled with regard to the daughters of this extra- 
ordinary family, which centred in itself so much beauty, merit, 

The ' Gentle Lochiel, 


and good fortune that their history unites the extravagance of 
romance with the sober reality of truth. 

The fair Quaker made not only an excellent wife but a most 
exemplary mother. Her daughters were better educated than 
the generality of young women in these remote corners, and 
tho' little or nothing was to be expected with them, the fame 
of their engaging appearance soon attracted admirers from all 

There was little or nothing to be expected with them, or 
indeed with any highland damsel, but the great point was to 
be well born and well allied. Now, tho' no people on earth 
set more by high descent than the highlanders in choosing a 
wife, ancestry was not the sole consideration. They were much 
persuaded that the qualities of the mind as well as personal 
and constitutional defects or advantages were hereditary. 
They were therefore anxious to a degree, scarce credible to 
modern refinement, to avoid the risk of inherited faults or 
blemishes. To express the thing in their own homely manner, 
the Lochiel maidens were considered as of an excellent breed, 
and when the eldest and one or two of her sisters were well 
married the additional attraction of forming good alliances drew 
admirers to the younger branches of the family. They seem'd 
indeed like the SibyPs leaves, to rise in value as they decreased 
in number. The younger ones were taken away almost in 
childhood, and the youngest of all, who was allowedly the 
most beautiful, was actually married to Cameron of Glen- 
dissery in the twelfth year of her age, and after his death to 
Maclean of Kingarloch, so that she was successively the wife 
of two heads of families.^ 

The least beautiful of this tribe of beauties, who, however, 
possessed a commanding figure and superior understanding, 
was Jean, afterwards married to Clunie," the chief of the clan 
Macpherson. She had the advantage over her fairer sisters of 
being celebrated in English, or rather Scotch verse, being the 
reputed heroine of the popular and pathetic song known by 
the name of ' Lochaber no more."* 

^ Christian, who married Glendessary, was Jean Barclay's eldest daughter. 
" Lachlan Macpherson of Nuid who succeeded to the chiefship in 1722. Their 
eldest son Ewen, the Cluny of the '45, married Janet Fraser of Lovat. 


The poet, who in strains at once tender and heroic, laments 
his departure from Lochaber and consequent separation from 
his Jean, is said to have been an officer in one of the regiments 
station'd at Fort William. The marriages of these admir'd 
sisters derive a certain political importance from their forming 
links of a chain which their father, from his popularity and 
power of mind, was enabled to draw in any direction, and to 
which his son afterwards, by the combined power of affinity 
and ability, communicated the same momentum. 

In this view it is worth while to trace each distinct head 
of this powerful confederacy which associated so many noted 
families by the ties both of kindred and opinion into one mass 
of disaffection to Government and strong mutual attachment. 

The sons-in-law of John Lochiel were, 1st. Cameron of Dun- 
gallon. 2nd. Barclay of Urie. 3rd. Grant of Glenmoriston. 
4th. Macpherson of Clunie. 5th. Campbell of Barcaldine. 
6th. Campbell of Auchalader. 7th. Campbell of Auchlyne. 
8th, Maclean of Lochbuy. 9th. Macgregor of Bohaudie. 10th. 
Wright of Loss. 11th. Maclean of Ardgour; and, 12th. 
Cameron of Glendissery.^ It is singular that all these twelve 
ladies became the mothers of families, and made good wives 
and mothers, insomuch that their numerous descendants still 
cherish the bonds of affinity now so widely diffused, and still 
boast their descent from these female worthies. 

Thus powerful in new form'd connections, and happy in the 
midst of an admirable family, Lochiel liv'd in tranquil comfort 
till the death of Queen Anne, ominous to all Tory visions of 
felicity, again brought troublous times, and once more brought 
the fidelity of the Jacobite chiefs to the severest test. Some 
of the Scotch nobility, who languished to see Scotland once 
more in reality an independent kingdom, nourished in the 
minds of the chieftains a hatred to English dominion. This 

1 This list is very inaccurate. First of all, it refers to the daughters, not of 
John, but of Sir Ewen. Moreover, there were only eleven, not twelve, of these 
ladies. Then, none of these married Campbell of Achlyne, Maclean of Loch- 
buy, or Wright of Loss ; while there is no mention of the marriage of Katharine 
Cameron to William Macdonald, Tutor of Sleat, or of her sister Marjory to 
Macdonald of Morar. Macgregor of Bohaudie also is better known under the 
name of Drummond of Balhaldy. Cf. also p. 287. Barclay of Urie was Robert, 
the grandson of the Apologist. 



had indeed been too often delegated into the hands of cruelty 
and rapine, to be in any degree popular ; and tho' the scourges 
of the land who had thus abus'd authority were themselves 
Scotchmen, still the English rule was blamed for the unparal- 
leled miseries of the country during the intermediate period 
between the accession of James the First and the Union. 
There still lurkM in the minds of the less instructed Scotch a 
strong desire of being governed by a king of their own, who 
should reign in P:^otland only, and to whom that kingdom 
should not be merely a secondary object. 

This dislike to English sway was greatly exasperated by the 
cruel abandonment of the settlement of Darien, which gave 
the lieges of the low country a dislike to King William's 
person and government, equally strong and better grounded 
than that which the highlanders had conceived, in consequence 
of the famine, when they imagined themselves starv'd to atone 
for his personal transgressions. 

This eager wish for unattainable, or at best precarious 
and tributary independence, was luU'd to sleep by the lenient 
counsels and military triumphs that rendered the reign of their 
belov'd Queen glorious abroad, and comparatively tranquil at 
home, and she had the additional merit of having a grand- 
father born in Scotland, and to all these merits the passion 
for a direct line of succession for some time gave way. The 
leaders of the party did not fail to whisper to the chiefs that 
this pious princess was too conscientious to let her dominions 
descend to a stranger, and had made provision in her settle- 
ments to prevent such an alienation, as they considered it, of 
the crown. 

Nothing could equal the astonishment of these deluded 
chiefs when they found that the dreaded foreigner was in actual 
possession of a crown of which they knew their inability to 
dispossess him. 

To restore their ancient race of monarchs to the separate 
crown of Scotland was their fondest wish. This visionary 
project was never adopt'd by the Jacobites at large, who were 
too well informed to suppose it either practicable or eligible, 
but it serv'd as an engine to excite the zeal of bards and 
sennachies, who were still numerous in the Highlands, and in 


whose poetry strong traces of this very project may still be 

The insurrection of tlie year fifteen, kindPd from the embers 
of the unextinguishM hopes of the Jacobites, is too well known 
to require any detail here, and was too ill conducted to do 
much credit either to those who kindPd or those who extin- 
guishVl it. Lochiel,^ however, as far as fidelity is honourable, 
had merit in his adherence to his principles, having much to 
lose, and little to expect from a change. Before he went to 
the field of Sheriff Muir, which decided the contest, without 
leaving to either side the honours of victory, he arranged 
matters so as to be prepared for the worst. The frequency of 
feuds and civil wars in Scotland during those long and feeble 
minorities, equally fatal to the independence of the throne and 
the liberties of the people, had taught the Barons to practise 
all the finesse and stratagem rendered necessary by a state of 
perpetual change and uncertainty. The son and father, for 
the general advantage of the clan, often affected to take dif- 
ferent sides, that the estate might in any event be preserved 
to the family. Lochiel did not exactly follow this example, 
but he left his affairs so arrangM, and under such careful guid- 
ance, that in case of the worst that could be fear'd, his estate 
and affairs might be protected. He had a powerful band of 
sons-in-law to give aid and counsel to the heir, now nearly of 
age, and I think at college. 

Donald, the younger Lochiel, having no concern in the 
rising, of which he was purposely kept in ignorance, was not 
liable to be questioned on that account. Tho' he was carefully 
educated in the family principles, a reflective mind and much 
acquir"'d knowledge, remov"'d him far from that headlong rash- 
ness which pursues the end without duly considering the means. 
Conscious that the honour and interest of the clan were safe in 
the hands of such a son, the elder Lochiel ^ (now considered by 
Government as a proscribed rebel), after hovering for some 
[time] in Braemar and Badenoch and the intermediate districts, 
joined General Gordon, and followed the fortunes of the un- 
fortunate adventurer to France, after his ill-advis'd landing 

John is meant, though Sir Ewen did not die till 17 19. Cf. p. 308 note I. 


and coronation at Scone. He was now consider"'d too powerful 
to be connivVl at, and of too much consequence to be forgiven, 
had he even been willing to submit. He resided chiefly at the 
court of St. Germains, where he enjoy 'd a high degree of favour 
and confidence, particularly with the Duke of Berwick, and 
tho' he seem'd to renounce Scotland till a change of Govern- 
ment should render his return eligible, he at different times made 
private visits to his native country, where he could remain, 
if not publicly, at least safely, as long as it suited his inclina- 
tion, having sons-in-law in every district ready to protect him, 
besides the most dutiful and amiable of sons, who consider''d 
himself as merely holding his possessions in trust for his father. 
To all the noble and generous qualities display"'d in the age of 
chivalry by his brave ancestors, Donald of Lochiel united a 
gentleness of manners aud elegance of mind to which those 
unpolisli'd warriors were strangers. He married about the 
year "SS a daughter of Sir James Campbell of Auchinbreck, 
of which marriage the present Lochiel is descended. Of this 
lady it is sufficient praise to say that she was every way a suit- 
able companion for her husband.^ 

Donald, tho' no less attached to the abdicated family than 
his predecessors, found it expedient for the general good to 
submit quietly to the ruling powers, but never took the oaths 
of allegiance to the reigning family. Nothing could be a 
greater proof of the esteem in which he was held by all parties 
than his being indulged in this tenderness of conscience so near 
a, military station.^ 

In the many private visits which the elder chieftain made to 
his son, it cannot be doubted that there was a kind of tacit 
agreement that what they esteemed ' the good old cause ' should 
be supported when occasion became ripe. Donald, however, 
a patriot and a person of deep reflection, lov"'d his king well, 
but his country still better. Nor would he be persuaded to 
risk the safety of that country by any prospect of personal 
advantage. Ambition, 'that last infirmity of noble minds,' 
had no great power over his. John Lochiel had look'd too 

^ Their family consisted of three sons and four daughters. 
2 Fort- William. 


near into the court of France to depend much upon it ; and to 
the sound judgment of his son it seem'd obvious that an attempt 
unsupported by powerful aid from abroad would be unavailing. 
Indeed it was evident that without foreign aid, and the hearty 
co-operation of the English Jacobites, any further attempts to 
reinstate the exiPd Prince would only end, as the former had 
done, in a desperate display of unavailing courage and fidelity, 
and the utter ruin of his Scotch adherents. 

John Lochiel the exile derived much consequence from the 
influence he possessed over his numerous progeny. The sons of 
his daughters^ were in some instances become the heads of 
families, and all lookVl up to him for light. The slightest 
intimation of his will would have been sufficient to set his 
family confederacy in motion, but the chief saw too clearly to 
hazard the fate of so many, without well weighing the conse- 
quences, and his son''s wisdom, early ripened by the cautious 
and critical part he had to act, forbade all precipitance. 

In this state of matters he was apprised of an intended descent 
on Scotland, which was to be powerfully supported by the 
French, and no less effectually seconded by the English Jaco- 
bites. It was necessary to be well assur'd of this before any 
steps could be taken in a country aw'd by garrisons and known 
to be disaffected. But while Donald was thus anxiously wait- 
ing for certain intelligence of their plans, what was his aston- 
ishment to hear of the young adventurer's landing in the wilds 
of Moidart, a savage district on the sea coast, in that neigh- 
bourhood where his standard was first displayed. After re- 
maining there in concealment for a few days, he came to 

Lochiel strongly express''d his sorrow and concern at seeing 
him so ill provided, and so slenderly attended. He strongly 
dissuaded him from showing himself till more suitable prepara- 
tion should be made for his reception, and till a force should 
arrive on the coast strong enough to encourage and support. 

Full of the ardour of youth and presumption of sanguine 
hope, the Prince remained unmov'd by the chieftain's argu- 
ments, and began to reproach him with a circumspection and 

^ Should be 'sisters.' Cf. p. 318 note. 

- The Prince landed at Borradale on 25th July 1745. He met Lochiel there, 
and does not seem to have visited Auchnacarrie at that time. 


coolness incompatible with genuine attachment, and which 
tended to damp the zeal of his more courageous followers. 
Seeing no persuasion could deter the leader from prosecuting 
this rash adventure, he arranged his papers and affairs, as a 
man setting out on a journey from whence he was not to 
return, and with ominous sadness collected all his force, and 
having once embark'd in this perilous enterprise, he exerted 
himself with as much determiu'd courage and eager persever- 
ance as if it had been undertaken with his entire approbation. 
The sequel, it is well known, fully justified his objections, 
and the intermediate narrative of public transactions includes 
the account of the gallantry, clemency and good faith which 
distinguished his conduct during the course of that unhappy 
contest. Had not his judgment so far contradicted his wishes, 
he might have given still more effectual aid to the cause which 
a vain waste of blood and courage adorn'd without strengthen- 
ing it. He sacrificed liimself and his followers, but could not 
be induced to persuade his brothers-in-law to engage in a cause 
so hopeless. Most of these, however, wish'd well to it, and 
some in consequence of previous impressions join'd it. 

This chief was wounded in the leg in the battle of CuUoden, 
and afterwards conveyed by some faithful followers to a shealing 
in the gloomy and unknown recesses at the west end of Loch 
Erroch. In the meantime, the house of Achnacarrie was 
burnt and plundered, as well as tlie Castle of Glengarrie, and 
the district inhabited by LochieFs followers ravaged with un- 
sparing cruelty ; the details of this would be painful to 
humanity. Attracted by the fame of the advantages gain'd 
by the highlanders at Falkirk and Prestonpans, John of 
Lochiel came over from France and landed on the coast of 
Lochaber, a very short time before the final blow which 
scatter d irretrievably his adherents.^ He leturn'd in the same 
vessel after taking a last look of the scene of liis past authority 
and happiness. He returned, I know not on what account, pri- 
vately to Scotland a few years after, and died in Edinburgh.^ 

^ He was present with the reinforcements which marched from Perth to Falkirk 
before the battle. 

- Mackenzie's History of the Camerons says he died in exile at Newport in 
Flanders in 1747 or early in 1748. 


It is hard to say what could particularly exasperate the 
conquerors at a character so distinguish'd for mildness and 
probity as that of Lochiel,^ yet his blood seem'd to be sought 
after with the most rancorous perseverance. It was known 
that his wound made escape from the country difficult, if 
not impossible, and a considerable reward was offer"'d for 
apprehending him. In the plunder of the house of Achna- 
carrie, a picture was found drawn for Lochiel, and accounted a 
good likeness. This was given to a party of the military, who 
were despatch'd over Corryaric in search of the unfortunate 
invalid. On the top of this mountain they met Macpherson 
of Urie, who being a tall, handsome man, of a fair and pleasing 
aspect, they concluded to be the original of the portrait 
they carried with them. This anecdote I had from Urie 
himself He was a Jacobite, and had been out as the 
phrase was then. The soldiers seiz'd him, and assur''d him 

he was a d d rebel, and that his title was Lochiel. He in 

return assur''d them that he was neither d d nor a rebel, 

nor by any means Lochiel. When he understood, however, 
that they were a party in search of Lochiel, going in the very 
direction where he lay concealed, he gave them room finally 
to suppose he was the person they sought. They returned to 
Fort Augustus wliere the Duke of Cumberland then lay, in 
great triumph with their prisoner. Urie, as he expected from 
the indulgence of some about the Duke, was very soon set at 
liberty ; and this temporary captivity had the wish'd-for 
effect of giving the younger Lochiel time to recover of his 
wounds and leave the kingdom. In his flight to France he 
was accompanied by his lady, the faithful and affectionate 
associate of his exile. His son was left under the care of his 
brother Fassfern,^ being then a mere infant.^ A daughter, 
Donalda, was afterwards born in France, but attachM herself 
so fondly to her father that at his death,* which happened 

^ Donald nineteenth of Lochiel. 

^ John Cameron of Fassifern married Jean Campbell of Achallader, and their 
eldest son, Ewen, afterwards Sir Ewen, was the father of the well-known Colonel 
John Cameron of the 92nd Highlanders who fell at Quatre Bras. 

^ He was born in 1732. 

^ He died 26th October 1748, so the daughter cannot have been then fourteen 
if born after the '45. 


when she was about fourteen, she pin'd away with grief and 
never recovered. Locliiel was what is calFd colonel of a 
reformed regiment in the French service ; and having a peculiar 
faculty of attaching the affections of those among whom he 
liv'd, was particularly beloved among his new friends as well as 
among the associates of his exile, and held in great respect by 
the unfortunate adventurer. 

These unhappy exiles were for a while amus'd with fleeting 
projects; in consequence of one of these Lochiel and Clunie 
went to visit their Prince at a retreat on the upper Rhine, 
to which he had retired after his cruel and perfidious imprison- 
ment at the Castle of Vincennes.^ 

They found him sunk in that lassitude which often succeeds 
long protracted agitation and smothered sorrow. He was 
accompanied by Miss Walkinshaw and her daughter, after- 
wards Duchess of Albany. In this child and her mother his 
whole affections seem'd to centre. This was very mortifying 
to the two chiefs by whom that lady was considered as a spy 
for the English court. They left him after a short visit, under 
the dominion of his Delilah, and return''d hopeless and de- 
jected. From this time LochieFs health began to decline. 
Exile, terrible to all, was to him embitter''d by a separation 
from vassals so faithful and attached, and friends so numerous 
and so worthy as fell not to the lot of any other man. 

Nor was the attachment of those affectionate followers 
altogether unavailing. The estate of Lochiel was forfeited 
like others, and paid a moderate rent to the crown, such as 
they had formerly given to their chief. The domain formerly 
occupied by the laird was taken on his behoof by his brother. 
The tenants brought each a horse, cow, colt, or heifer, as a 
free-will offering, till this ample grazing farm was as well 
stocked as formerly. Not content with this they sent a yearly 
tribute of affection to their belov'd chief, independent of the 
rent they paid to the commissioners for the forfeited estates. 
LochieFs lady and her daughter once or twice made a sorrow- 
ful pilgrimage among their friends and tenants. These last 
receiv"d them with a tenderness and respect which seem'd 
augmented by the adversity into which they were plunged. 

^ As the Vincennes incident took place after Lochiel's death, and before Cluny's 
arrival in France, the statement in the text cannot be literally correct. 


Lochiel died, as was generally thought, of a broken heart, 
about the year [1748]. 

His daughter soon follow''d him, and his wife did not long 
survive this amiable exile, who seems to have something 
peculiarly estimable and endearing in his character. So much 
was he belov'd in life, and so tenderly lamented by his tribe 
and party. Being a man of deep feeling, his fate was thought 
to be accelerated by the vindictive cruelty which pursued his 
kindred. The violent death of Dr. Cameron^ and the banish- 
ment of Fassfern, who both fell victims to the rancour of 
party, no doubt embittered, if they did not shorten his 
remaining days. It was a melancholy winding up of this 
catastrophe that his only son should fair a victim to the ill 
judg'd, tho' affectionate attachment of this generous tribe, yet 
so it was. 

The young Lochiel,^ tho"' what the Scots call a landless laird, 
was cherished with enthusiasm by all the Camerons as the 
representative of their ancient chiefs. His friends, however, 
did not choose that he too should become a victim in a lost 
cause. They gave him a very good education, and at an 
early period procur d for him a commission in the British 

At an early age he married ; and Government being soon 
after engaged in levying men for the American War, found it 
convenient to use the agency of the attainted chiefs for that 
purpose. They, notwitlistanding their poverty and priva- 
tions, retaining an unbounded influence over the minds of 
their clans. 

Lochiel was offered a company in General Fraser*'s regiment, 
the Tlst,^ provided he could raise it among his clan. This he 
soon and easily did, and march'd to Glasgow at the head of 
it, in order to embark on board some vessels then lying at 
Greenock under orders to sail for America. 

While the regiment was about to embark, Lochiel was taken 

^ Dr. Archibald Cameron's judicial murder did not take place till 1753. 

2 On Donald's death his eldest son was John, who died in Edinburgh in 1762, 
unmarried and predeceased by his brother James. * The Young Lochiel ' here 
mentioned is accordingly Charles the third son. He married a Miss Marshall in 
1767 and died in 1776. 3 cf_ p, 275. 


ill with the measles, which assuin'd rather an alarming appear- 
ance, and for the present prevented his embarking with his 
company. Finding the oldest lieutenant about to assume a 
temporary command, they positively refused to stir, asserting 
* that they had not engaged with King George but Lochiel, 
that they would follow him wherever he went, but Avould obey 
no other leader.' Finally, in the Green of Glasgow, they 
made a circle round the adjutant, laid down their arms, and 
[positively] refused to take them up again till ordered by their 
chief. Lochiel, who lodged near the scene of [this disorder],^ was 
soon informed of all those particulars. Tho' ill in bed, and 
very feverish at the time, he got up, dress'd, and with his 
sword in his hand went down and harangued his people ; 
representing to them that unless they went on board their 
conduct would be imputed to disaffection, and thus become 
ruinous and disgraceful to him, and that he hop'd to overtake 
them at Greenock before they embark'd. They took up their 
arms, huzza'd their chief, and immediately resumed their march. 
Enfeebrd by his effort and exhausted by agitation, Lochiel 
again took his bed and died in a very few days after, in con- 
sequence of going out in a raw misty day of November, when 
he was so unequal to that exertion. 

Most of this devoted company perished in the contest which 
followed, and during which Eraser's regiment was thrice 
renew'd, and lost 2400 men. The present Lochiel is the son 
of this last chief, and to him the estate was restored sometime 
about the year '85. 

Jordanhill, Deer. ^Uh, 1808. 

^ He was ill in London at the time, and at once hurried to Glasgow. 


Aberdeen, 47, 96, 103, 112, 113, 


Aberlady, 53, 55. 

Abertarf, 305, 306. 

Achnacarrie, 309, 310, 316, 325 and w, 

326, 327- 
Admiralty court, 1 96, 208, 
Advocates, proposed regulations for, 

Aird, the, 255, 256, 259, 274, 

Airlie, earl of, 137. 
Allhamstoks. See Auldhamstocks. 
Alloa house, 156, 166 «, 181-183. 
Alured, colonel, II2«, 135. 
Alyth (Eliot), 103, 112 and «, 135. 
Ane Trtie Accoiiipt of the Preservation, 

etc., 102. 
Angus, William, 9th earl of, no. 
Annandale family, 3. 
Anne, queen, 317, 318, 321. 
Applegirth. See Jardine. 
Arbuthnot, viscount, 116, 126, 129, 

Argyll, Archibald, earl of, 19, 45, 46, 

59) 76, 98 ; letter to, from the earl 

of Holland, 37. 

John, duke of, 146, 188. 

Armies to be dissolved, 91. 

Arnot, sir John, of Berswick, lord 

provost, 4. 

Marion, 6. 

Rachel, 4, 6, 7. 

Articles of pacification signed, 90. 
Arundel and Surrey, Thomas Howard, 

earl of, 71 and ?;, 77. 
Athol, earl of, 114. 

Atterbury, Francis, bishop of Ro- 
chester, 149- 151. i53> 154. 161, 

Auldhamstocks, 53, 63. 
Avignon, 158, 159. 
Axtillis, Mr., 123. 
Aytoun, 43, 46, 47, 57. 

Baillie, Robert, principal of Glas- 
gow university, 8, 14, 18, 19. 

of Jerviswood, 10-13. 

Baker, rev. S. Ogilvy, in, 135 n. 

Balcanqual, Dr., dean of Durham, 
71 n. 

Balcarres, lord, 135. 

Ballacheulish. See Stewart, John. 

Ballandalloch, 268. 

Balmayne. See Ramsay, sir William. 

Balmerino, lord, 52, 59, 97, 242 n. 

Balnagarro, lands of, 135 n. 

Bannerman, sir Alex., of Elsick, 
120 n, 121. 

Barclay, colonel David, of Urie, 317 w. 

Jean, 317 and «, 318 and n 


Robert, of Urie, 308, 309 and n, 

317 «. 

grandson, 321 and «. 

Baress alledgances ansi-ed, 102, 109. 

Barra, 53, 56. 

island of, 301. 

Barras. See Ogilvie, George. 

lands of, 109. 

Bass Rock, 104. 

Beaufort, 274 and n. 

Beaulieu abbey, 274, 

Belladrum, 274. 

Berwick, 14, 42, 44, 50, 68, 92, 95. 

duke of, 164 n, 308, 324. 

Singly, lord, 245, 246. 

Birks, near Berwick, 32. 

Bishops, 64 ; abolition of, 76, 85, %T, 
95 ; to be answerable to general 
assembly, 83, 94 ; ministers' oath of 
obedience to, 85 ; all the people 
' bade hang the bishops,' 95. 

Blacader, laird of. See Home, sir 

Black mount, 3 1 1 . 

Blackness castle, 199, 210. 

' Black stock,' the, or table dormant 
of the castle, 119 «. 



Blandford, William, marquis of, i88 

and n. 
Bolingbroke, lord, 144 and n, 159, 

164 n, 166. 
Bolshan, Forfar, 128. 
Bolton (Bontin), 53. 
Borthrik, Mr., 63. 
Bothans, 53, 56. 

Boyle, Henry. See Carleton, lord. 
Boyne, lord, 92, 95. 
Braemar, 158, 183. 
Breadalbayn, lord, 172. 
Bressey, Benjamin, 11. 
Bretuile, M., French secretary of war, 

Bridge of Dee, 96. 
Bristowe, Catherine, wife of general 

Fraser, 276 11. 

John, 276 n. 

Brodick, 104. 
Bruce, captain, 181. 

sir William of Stenhouse, 5, 7. 

Buchanan of Drumakiln betrays the 

marquis of Tullibardine, 254, 280- 

captain John, of Drumakiln, 

283, 284, 2S9, 290, 294. 
Burnet, Gilbert, bishop of Salisbury, 


Robert, lord Crimond, 5. 

Burntisland, town of, letter to, from 

Hamilton, 59, 60. 

Callart, 306. 

Cameron of Dungallon, 321. 

of Glendessery, 306, 320 and n, 

321 and n. 
of Lochiel, memoir of the family 

of, 298-330. 

Allan, of Lochiel, 307 n. 

Dr. Archibald, 319, 329 and n. 

Charles, of Lochiel, 329 ;/, 330 

and n. 

Christian, 320. 

Donald, of Lochiel, 278, 318 ;/, 

319, 323-329. 

Donalda, 327 and n. 

Ewen, of Fassifern, 278 and «. 

sir Ewen, of Lochiel, 308-318 

and n, 321, 323 ti; MS. memoir 

of, 278 and n. 

Jean, 320. 

John, of Fassifern, 319, 327 and 

«, 329- 

colonel, 278 «, 327 «. 

of Lochiel, 253, 254, 277, 

308, 317 and n, 318-326 and n. 
of Lochiel, son of Donald, 

329 n. 

Cameron, Katharine, 321 n. 

Margaret, 279. 

Marjory, 321 n, 

Campbell of Auchalader, 287, 321. 

of Auchlyne, 321 and 11. 

of Barcaldine, 321. 

of Glendaruel, 159, 172 and n. 

Alexander, his Grampians left 

desolate, 287 and n. 

Isabel, 317 n. 

sir James, of Auchinbreck, 324. 

Jean, of Achallader, 327 n. 

Primrose, second wife of lord 

Lovat, 262 and w, 269, 270. 

Camsfield, 54. 

Capoch in Lochaber, 107, 114. 

Carlaverock, 55. 

Carleton, Henry Boyle, lord, 245, 

Carlisle, 42, 95. 

Caroline, queen, 10. 

Carter, Eliza, 297. 

Cassilis, earl of, 95, 96. 

Castle Dunie, 256, 260, 262, 269, 274. 

Castle Grant, 26S, 269. 

Charles I. of England, 65, 66, 68, 70, 
77, 80, 90; his dislike of presbytery, 
21 ; his ecclesiastical policy, 22, 23 ; 
accepts responsibility of service- 
book, 28 ; prepares army against 
Scotland, 33 ; his demands and 
arguments, 48, 78, 82 ; his Large 
Declaration, 7 1 and n ; his Declara- 
tion, 86, 90, 91, 95; Scots remon- 
strate with, 92. 

Charles 11. of England, 104, 107, 108, 
114, 117, 125, 127, 131, 136, 137; 
hates Wariston, 18 ; coronation of, 
102 ; desires the Honours bedelivered 
to earl Marischal, 1 15 ; letter from, to 
countess Marischal, 115; letter to, 
from countess Marischal, 121 ; com- 
mands Ogilvie to render Honours to 
earl Marischal, 123 n, 128 ; makes 
John Keith knight marischal, 132 ; 
letter of, to earl of Middleton, 

Charles Xll. of Sweden, 146, 241 

and n. 
Charslie wood, 97. 
Cherry isle. Loch Ness, 304. 
Clackmannan, 181. 
Clanranald family, 287 and n. 
Clepham, colonel, 174 and n. 
Closeburn, 54. 
Clunes, 306. 
Cobet (Cobbeet), colonel, governor of 

Dundee, 114, 136. 
Cockburn, Adam, of Ormiston, 9. 



Cockburnspath, 46, 47, 53. 

Coke (Cooke), John, secretary, 68, 70. 

Coldingham, 47, 57, 59. 

Coldstream, 47. 

College of justice, 36, 48, 67. 

Cologne (Collen), 121. 

Colquhoun, miss, 254, 280. 

sir James, of Balvie, 9. 

Coluberdy, 120. 

Committee of estates, 103, 127, 128. 

Commissioners (Scots), subscribe arti- 
cles of pacification, 90. 

Commonwealth, army of the, 104. 

Congalton, Patrick, of Congalton, 5. 

Consideratiojis . . . for Irland on 1 
Restoration, 213. 

Conzier, Mr., 56. 

Corryaric, 327. 

Court of session, 196, 208. 

Covenant, national, 13, 25, 26. 

Covenanters, 33, 69 ; acquit the king 
but accuse the bishops, 27 ; desire a 
free general assembly, 28 ; their dis- 
cussions with Hamilton, 29; forbid 
king's proclamation to be read, 32. 

Craig, Elizabeth, wife of James John- 
stone, 4, 5, 7 n, 12. 

sir James Gibson, 33. 

Margaret, 6, 8. 

sir Thomas, of Riccarton, 4, 5. 

Craigie, 129. 

Craignish, 251. 

Cramond, 52. 

Crawford, earl of, 135. 

Crechtoun, James, 54. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 19, 102. 

CuUoden, battle of, 326. 

Cuming clan, 304 and n. 

Cuninghame, lady Catherine, 9. 

Francisa, 9. 

sir James, of Glengarnock, 9. 

William, 35. 

Dalentay, 289. 

Dalhousie, earl of, 35, 46, 55. 

Dalkeith, 47, 55. 

Dalrymple, Mr., of Clackmannan, 181. 

Dalziel, lord of, 69. 

Darien settlement, 322. 

Deane, major-general, commander-in- 
chief of English forces, 119 and n. 

Declaration read before Munroe's regi- 
ment, 95. See also Charles I. 

Dickson, David, 58, 59. 

Dillon, general, 161 and n, 167, 168, 
171, 173, 212, 223-225, 227 n. 

Directions concerning the Monument 
to be erected in the chwrh of Alloa, 

Dirleton, 53, 55. 

Donaldson, major, 276. 

Douglas, Archibald, 3. 

Elizabeth, no. 

Isabel, marchioness of Montrose, 


John, of Barras, no. 

Drumakiln. See Buchanan. 

Drumlanrig, lord, 54. 

Drummond of Balhaldy, 321 it. 

general Wm., of Cromlix, vis- 
count Strathallan, 10. 

Dubois, cardinal, 167, 223. 

Duff, lord, 142 n. 

Dumbarton, 104, 199, 210, 31 1. 

Dumfries, 52-55. 

Dun, lord, 180, 184, 189. 

Dunbar, 35, 42, 43, 46, 53. 

Dundee, 114, 136. 

Dunfermline, earl of, 63-70. 

Dungallan, 306. 

Dunglas, 46, 51, 63, 95. 

Dunnottar castle, 102-108, 116, 118 w, 
119 n, 122, 125, 126 n, 127 n, 128, 
129, 130, 131, 136 and n, 199, 

Duns, 46, 47, 49, 50, 58, 61-65, 89, 

Durie, lord, 59, 76. 

East Lothian. See Haddington. 

Edinburgh, 24, 47, 48, 58, 83, 86, 90, 
95) 97 ; committee of, 49, 57 ; letters 
to the committee of, 43, 44, 62 ; con- 
tributions of, to the army, 47, 97 ; 
provost and bailies of, 52, 56 ; Mar's 
proposals for the improvement of, 

castle, 92, 95, 96, 199, 210. 

Elders, ruling, question of, 30, 93. 

Elie, Fife, 113, 136. 

Eliot. See Alyth. 

Elsick. See Bannerman (Alex.). 

Elsinford, 53. 

Erskine, cardinal, 291. 

of Pittodrie, 158. 

lord, 42, 51. 

John. See Mar, earl of. 

sir John, of Alva, 188 and n. 

lady Mary, countess marischal, 


Thomas, lord, 157, 168 and n. 

captain William, 174 and n. 

barony of, 142. 

family of, 142 and n. 

Ethrington, 43, 44, 49. 

Exchequer court, 196, 208. 

Eyemouth (Haymouth), 43, 44, 46, 
47, 57. 



Farquhar, sir Walter, 286 and n, 
290, 293, 294. 

Farquharson of Invercauld, 142 u. 

Ferguson, miss, 253, 254. 

Fetteresso (Fitersso), countess of Mar- 
shall's jointure house, 112. 

Fielding, Mr., 293. 

Fife, 48, 52, 54. 

Findlater, earl of, 143. 

Fishery laws of England and Scot- 
land, 2. 

Fisherraw, 55. 

Fishwick, 49. 

Fleming (Phleeming), lord, 51, 61. 

Flether, Christian, iii. 

Forbes, Alexander. See Pitsligo, lord. 

Foresterseat, lady, 8. 

lord, 5, 12. 

Forfeited estates, 199, 211. 

Fort Augustus, 327. 

Forth and Clyde canal, 203. 

Fort-William, 302, 310, 324. 

Foster's regiment, 48. 

Foulis, James, baron of Colinton, 

Fraser, Alexander, second son of lord 
Lovat, 262 and n, 270 and n. 

Amelia, 256 it. 

Janet, of Lovat, 320 n. 

Simon. See Lovat, lord. 

general Simon, son of lord Lovat, 

262, 271 n, 275, 276 and 11. 

Sybilla, daughter of lord Lovat, 

269, 270. 

Thomas, of Beaufort, 255 and n. 

Frasers of Brea, 271 and n, 

Galloway, earl of, 54. 

Garlies, lord, 161 and n. 

Garvald (Garvitt), 53, 56. 

General assemblies, 30, 76, 81, 82, 86- 

88, 93, 94. 
(Glasgow), 31, 70, 83, 84, 

85, 89, 93> 96. 
Geneva, 159 and n, 160, 189. 
George L, 144. 
George in., 297. 
Gibb, Mr., architect, 1 90 and n. 
Gibson, sir Alex., of Durie, 6, 8. 
Gile, sir Harie, 97. 
Gleg, Dr., 277. 
Glenbervy, lord, 298. 
Glencairn, earl of, 114, 135. 
Glencoe, massacre of, 313. 
Glendessery. See Cameron. 
Gloucester, duke of, 123. 
Godolphin, lord, 245, 257, 258, 279. 
Gordon, duchess of, 290. 
general, 159, 323. 

Gordon, Alexander, of Beldorney, 315 
and 11. 

Gortuleg, 264. 

Goswick, 42. 

Graden, lady, 13. 

Grahame, George, of Morphine, 121 
and n. 

colonel Gordon, 276. 

Grainger, rev. James, minister of 
Kineff, 105, 108, 109-113, 116, 117, 
126 and n, 129, 130, 131, 135 ; his 
declaration anent the Honours, 116, 
125 ; his action anent the Honours, 
ine-TsS ; letters from, to countess 
Manschal, 131. 

Mrs., conveys the Honours from 


Grange, lord, 180, 18 1, 188, 189. 

Grant of Ballandalloch, 261. 

of Coriemony, 292. 

of Glenmoriston, 289, 321. 

laird of, 301. 

miss, of Arndilly, 296, 297. 

Mrs., of Laggan, 251,252; letters 

from, to sir Henry Steuart, 253-271, 
277, 284, 288 and n, 293, 295 ; letter 
to, from sir John Macpherson, 290. 

Charles, 293 and «, 

rev. James, 251. 

sir James, of Freuchie, 307 n. 

Margaret, wife of Simon, lord 

Lovat, 261 and 11, 268. 

family, 307. 

Gravelines, 158, 159. 

Gunne, colonel, 95. 

Guthrie, rev. James, 7, 17. 

Haddington, 35, 43, 46, 52, 53. 

earl of, 63. 

Hamilton, marquis of, 23, 27, 32, 78, 
87, 88, 1 14 ; letter from, to captain 
Watson, 59 ; letter from, to town of 
Burntisland, 60 ; answer from Burnt- 
island, 60 ; intercepted letter of, to 
lord Ogilvie, 68. 

sir Patrick, 63, 

Hatsell, Mr., 293. 

Hay of Dunfermline, 16. 

Hay, colonel, secretary to the cheva- 
lier, 149 and n, 153, 154, 166, 168, 
169, 177, 223. 

Alexander. ^(?e Foresterseat, lord. 

Helen, See Wariston, lady. 

Hemp, cultivation of, in Ireland, 214. 

Henderson, Alexander, 25, 31, 42, 58, 
76, 85 7Z. 

Hepburn, (Hebroun) Adam, 63. 

sir Adam, of Humbie, 10. 

Thomas, 10. 



Henryson, Edward, 4 n. 

sir Thomas, lord Chesters, 4 n. 

Heriot, Agnes, wife of James Foulis, 

Helen, 4 n. 

Robert, of Lymphoy, 4 11. 

Highlands, proposals for the formation 
of highland regiments, 219, 246, 
291 71 ; English ignorance of the, 
258, 272, ; characteristics of high- 
landers, 288 ; highland music, 291 ; 
manners and customs, 298-304; high- 
land poetry, 303 ; highland forays, 
306, 307 ; famine in, 318. 

Holland, 107, 113. 

earl of, 39, 42, 46, 48, 49, 61, 

64, 93 ; letters from, 37 and n ; 
letters to, from the Scots army, 39, 

Home or Hume, captain, 51. 

earl of, 46, 49, 51, 52, 63. 

George, of Graden, 11. 

sir John, of Blacader, 39, 40, 43, 

46, 48. 

John, 278 and n, 297. 

castle, 199. 

Honours of Scotland, 102, 105, 106, 
false receipts of, 107 ; delivered 
to charge of Ogilvie, 112, 116; 
in charge of Mr. James Grain- 
ger, 125; buried by him, 112, 113; 
how conveyed from Dunnottar, 133, 
13s ; said to have been sent to 
Paris, 114 ; countess of Marischal's 
account of, to king, 121, 122; dispute 
between Grainger and Ogilvie anent, 
128, 129. 

Humbie, 53, 56. 

Humble desires of H.MJ's subjects, 

Hume. See Home. 

Huntly, marquis of, 32, 96. 

Huton, 59. 

Inchcolme, 35. 

Information against all mistaking of 
H.M. declaration, 89, 96. 

Inglis, James, of Ingliston, 5. 

Imierwick, 53. 

Invergarrie, castle, 310, 316. 

Inverlochy castle, 199, 210, 220. 

Ireland, schemes for the government of, 
166, 167 and 7t ; a good understand- 
ing between Ireland and Scotland 
desirable, 201 ; proposals for, on a 
restoration, 213 ; Irish troops for 
service in France, 231 ; indepen- 
dence of, 231, 232, 234. 

Islay, lord, 188. 

Jackson, John, 5. 

James vi., his attempts to restore 
episcopal government, 22 ; on the 
king's negative voice in parliament, 

Jamesone, George, his portrait of War- 
iston, 33. 

Jardine of Applegirth, 54. 

Jedburgh, 46, 51, 61. 

Johnson, Dr., criticisms on, 272, 289. 

Johnston of Hilton, Berwickshire, 
3«. 5- • 

lord, 46, 54. 

Alexander, 8, 9. 

Archibald, Wariston's grand- 
father, merchant of Edinburgh, 3, 4. 

Archibald, of Wariston. Sec 

Wariston, lord. 

son of Wariston, 8. 

Beatrix, 5. 

David, 7 n, 

Elizabeth, 10. 

Euphan, 12. 

Gavin, 3. 

Helen, 11. 

James, merchant of Edinburgh, 

4, 7 n, 12. 

secretary for Scotland, i, 9, 

10, 17. 

son of the secretary, 10. 

of Beirholm, 3. 
Janet, 5, 7, II. 
Joseph, 5, 
Margaret, II. 

Rachel, 5, 10, 11. 

Samuel, advocate, of Sciennes, 

Jordanhill, 277. 
Justiciary court, 196. 

Keith, Anne, countess of Morton, 
114 n. 

John, earl of Kintore, loi, 103, 

104, 106, 107, 109 ; created earl 
of Kintore, no, 114, 117, 118, 
120 and ;z, 122, 126, 129, 131-138; 
his adventures abroad and in Scot- 
land, 131, 136. 

Robert, of Whiterigs, 127 and n, 


William. See Marischal, earl. 

Kelso, 37, 42, 51, 52, 57, 59, 61. 

Ker, lord, 46, 58. 

Killicrankie, battle of, 308 and n, 

Kilmallie, 298. 

Kinneff, 117, 118 «, 131, in. 

church, 105, 106. 




Kinneff, minister of. See Grainger, 

rev. James. 
Kinnoul, earl of, 95. 
Kintore, earl of. See Keith, John. 
Kin tyre, 19. 
Kirkcaldy, 52. 

Kirkcudbright, lord, 52, 54, 92. 
Knighthood, military order of, 211, 

Knight Marischal of Scotland, office 

of, 133. 

Lag, laird, 54. 

Laggan, 251. 

Lamamonach, 274. 

Lambingtoune, 52. 

Lansdown, lord, 187 and n. 

Large Declai-ation concerning the late 

tunndts, 71 n. 
Laud's liturgy, Charles's copy of, 28 n. 
Lauder, 61. 

Lauderdale, duke of, 165. 
Legacie to Scotland, 151, 155, 156, 

Legard, sir John, 295. 
Leith, 35, 45, 48, 159, 199, 203; 

fortifications of, 33, 92 ; privileges 

of, 203. 
Leslie, general Alexander, 33, 35, 42, 

46, 51-53, 58, 61, 63. 

Robin, 63 n, 64. 

Letter sent to the shires of Scotland 

from Dunbar, 35. 
Letteron, 215 and n. 
Lighton, col. David, 104 and n, 1 20 

and n. 
Lindsay, lord, 35, 43, 46, 96. 
Linen manufacture of Ireland, 214. 
Lochaber, 280. 

' Lochaber no more,' 320, 321. 
Locharkaig, 310. 
Lochend, 40. 
Loch Erroch, 326. 
Lochgarry, 107, 1 14 and;?, 136. 
Lochiel. See Cameron. 
Loch Lomond, 280. 
Loch Ness, 304. 

Lockhart of Carnwath, 145, 152, 155. 
London, 103, 108, 127 n, 131, 135 ; 

tower of, 122. 
Lord advocate, 138. 
Lord chamberlain, 88, 93. 
Lorraine, 163. 

Lothians, the, 54, 97. 
Loudoun, earl of, 25, 35, 43, 55, 70-72, 

78, 85 n, 92, 96, 97. 

Hugh, earl of, 187 and «. 

Lovat, lord, 305, 306. 

Lovat, Archibald, lord, 262 n. 

Hugh, lord, 255 and it, 256. 

of Fraserdale, 255 n, 256 n. 

Simon Fraser, lord, 172 and 

n, 253, 254, 255 and n- : his out- 
rage on the dowager lady Lovat, 
256, 274 ; at the court of St. Ger- 
mains, 256 ; a Jacobite agent in 
London, 257 ; transfers his services 
to the government, 257, 258 ; his 
popularity in the highlands, 259 ; 
his hospitality at castle Dunie, 260, 
261 ; marriage of, 261 ; his second 
marriage, 262 ; intrigues for a rising 
in the north, 263 ; his interview with 
prince Charles after Culloden, 265 ; 
taken prisoner, 265 and it ; his be- 
haviour in the Tower, 266, 267 ; 
character of, 268 ; MS. account of 
his life, 271. 

dowager lady, 256, 274 and n. 

master of, 263. 

estates, 256 and n, 257 and «, 

274, 305. 

Lumgair, lands of, 135 n. 

Lyon king of arms, 96, 117, 137. 

Lyttleton, lady, 276. 

Macdonald of Glengarry, 305, 316 «. 

of Morar, 321 n. 

of Teindrich, 289. 

/Eneas, of Glengarry, 309 n. 

Alexander, 309-316. 

Hector, of Boisdale, 284. 

Julia, 315 and n, 316. 

William, tutor of Sleat, 321 n, 

MacGregor of Bohaudie, 2S7, 321 

and n. 
M'Kell, procurator, 126, 132. 
Mackenzie, Alexander, 255 ;/, 256 }i. 

■ sir Alexander, of Coul, li. 

Catherine, 251. 

Henry, 287 and n. 

Roderick, 11. 

of Prestonhall, 255 n. 

sir Roderick, of Scatwell, 261. 

lady, of Scatwell, 269, 

Maclean of Ardgour, 321. 

of Kingarloch, 320. 

of Lochbuy, 321 and n. 

Maclellans, the, 289 n. 

MacNicol, rev Donald, his Remarks 

on Johnson's journey to the Hebrides, 

287 and n. 
Macniels of Barra, 301, 302. 
Macpherson of Benchar, 271, 279. 
of Cluny, 263 and ;--, 277, 280, 

320 and n, 321, 32S and n. 
of Fleigherty, 27S. 



Macpherson of Urie, 327. 

sir Eneas, 278 and ;/. 

Evan, schoolmaster, 286, 292, 


major Evan, 278, 279, 294, 295. 

James, 271, 287, 291, 292. 

John, D.D., 285 and «. 

sir John, 285-289, 294, 296, 298; 

letter from, to Mrs. Grant, 290. 

Lachlan, of Nuid, 320 n. 

Martin, minister of Sleat, 285- 

287, 296. 

Macraes, the, 289 and n. 

Macvicar, Duncan, 251. 

Mar, Charles, tenth earl of, 141. 

John, seventh earl of, no. 

eleventh earl of, 141 and n, 

150-152 and n, 154, 163 ; sketch of 
his career, 142-149; extract of letter 
from, to the chevalier, 146 ; his 
Legacie to his son, Thomas, lord 
Erskine, 157-191 ; his Alemorial to 
the Regent Orleans, 152 and n, 153, 
154 and n, 167 and n, 168, 169 ; sent 
into Scotland to effectarising, i64and 
n, 170, 176 ; opposed to the union, 
163, 165 ; his ' Scheme ... for the 
government of Scotland,' 151, 165, 
194-205 ; his Directions concerning 
the monument to be erected in Alloa 
church, 192, 193 and n ; his Legacie 
to Scotland, 194-205, letters to, from 
the chevalier, 206-211 ; letters from, 
to the chevalier, 223, 244 ; his Me- 
morial to the Duke of Orleans, 223 ; 
letter from, to the duke of Orleans, 

lady, 160, 176, 177, 189. 

John Thomas, earl of, 156. 

lady Mary, 141. 

Philadelphia, countess of, 156. 

Marischal, dowager-countess, loi, 103, 
105, 107, loS, 110-122, 125, 127, 
131, 135-138; letter to, from Mid- 
dleton, 115; letter to, from the 
king, 115; letter to, from George 
Ogilvie, 118 ; letter to, from Grain- 
ger, 131 ; letter from, to Charles II., 
121 ; letter in favour of, from Charles 
II., 134. 

earl, 46, 109, 112, 115, 122, 123 

and n, 126 n, 128, 129-132, 137 ; 
parliament delivers Honours to his 
custody, 102 ; taken prisoner, 103, 
112, 135. 

George, fifth earl, 135 w. 

eighth earl, 134 and n. 

William, sixth earl, no, 114 n. 

Marlborough, lord, 245. 

Maryburgh. See Fort William. 

Martin, captain, 120. 

Maule, Patrick, earl of Panmure, no. 

Maxwells, the, 52. 

May, isle of, 35. 

Mearns, the, 135 n. 

Meldrum, Robert, Leslie's secretary, 

58, 61, 63 n. 
Memoranda for Lords Rothes and 

Loudon, 72-76. 
Memorial of John Earl of Mar to the 

Duke of Orleans, 152 and n, 153, 

154 and n, 155, 167 and n, 168, 

169, 223, 228. 
Menzies (Minize), Mr., 189. 
Merse, the, 49, 51. 
Middleton, general, 107, 109, 113, 

114, 116, 130, 136, 137; letter 

from, to the countess Marischal, 

115; letter to, from Charles II., 134. 
Midlothian, 52. 

Militaiy order of knighthood, 218. 
Militia for Scotland, 216-221. 
Ministers, of Scotland, letter from the 

army to, 45. 
Monk, general, 114, 136, 137. 
Montebello, 160. 
Montgomery, lord, 35, 55- 
Montrose, James, first marquis of, 

32, 33> 35> 46, 55. 92, 95; 96, 303- 
James, second marquis of, 114 

and n, 136. 

papers, 289. 

Moray, Robert, 188 and n. 

William, of Abercairney, 188. 

Morham (Norhame), 53, 56. 
Morison, Helen, 6. 
Morphine, laird of. See Grahame. 
Morton, earl of, 12, 63, 95, 114 n. 
Munro, col., 41 and n, 46, 51-54, 57, 

Murray, Amelia, 255 n. 

sir Patrick, 52, 53. 

Musselburgh, 47, 55. 

Napier, lord, 59, 97. 

National covenant. See Covenant. 

Newcastle, duke of, 268. 

Newgrange, 132. 

Newhaven, 48, 52. 

Nicholson, sir Thomas, 76. 

Nidsdaile, lord, 54, 55. 

Nisbet, James, 6. 

sir John, of Dirleton, 6. 

Patrick, lord Eastbank, 6. 

North Berwick, 51, 53, 55. 

Officers of State, 15, 204, 205. 
Ogilvie, David, 1 10. 


Ogilvie, sir George, of Barras, loi- 
iig 71, 121-123, 125-132, 135 ;/, 
I37> 138 ; letter from, to countess 
Marischal, 118; letter to, from his 
son William, 123. 

Mrs., 104-106, 136. 

John, of Balnagarro and Chapel- 
ton, 135 Ji. 

dame Margaret, second wife of 

George, fifth earl Marischal, 135 Ji. 

lord, 68-69, iio> 137- 

sir William, of Barras, lOi, 108- 

iio, 123, 124, 126, 130, 131. 

letter from, to his father, 123. 

William, of Lmngair, no, 135 n. 

Oliphant, John, 51. 

Orford, earl of, 253. 

Orleans, duke of, 178 ; Mar's Memo- 
rial to, 152 and n, 153, 154 and n, 
167 and n, 168, 169, 223 ; letter to, 
from Mar, enclosing the Memorial, 

Ormiston, 56, 254. 

Ormond, duke of, 148, 168, 245. 

Panmure, lord, no, 279 and //. 

Paris, 106, 107, 113, 114, 136. 

Parliament of Ireland, proposals for, 

of Scotland, 66, 75, 77, 91. 

Paterson, Mr., 159 and n, 173. 

sir Hugh, of Bannockburn, 159 n. 

Patton, Alexander, 118. 

Paxton, 59. 

Peadie (Peddee), James, bailie of 
Montrose, 127 and n. 

Pencaitland, 53, 56. 

Penn, Sophia Margaret Juliana, 2937/. 

Thomas, of Stoke- Pogis, 293 n, 

Perth, five articles of, 6, 22, 83 ; 
commission of, 97 ; citadel of, 

duke of, 148 n. 

Phanles, captain George, 56. 

Phleeming. See Fleming. 

Pitsligo, lord, 188 and n. 

Pittodrie. See Erskine. 

Porteus, Dr. Beilby, bishop of 
London, 293, 296. 

Mrs. , 296. 

Poulett, John, baron, 9. 

Presbyterian church government, 197. 

Preston, battle of, 159. 

John, of Fentonbarns, lord pre- 
sident, 6. 

Prestongrange, lord, 6. 

Prestonkirk, 53, 55. 

Prestonpans, 55. 

Primrose, Mr., 245. 

Privy councils, 24, 67, 84, 102, no, 

195, 208. 
Proclamations, 32, 38, 41, 57, 66, 67, 


QUEENSBERRY, duke of, I42, 163, 

1 87 and 11. 

' Rainbow,' the, in Leith roads, 59. 

Rait, Alexander, 184. 

Ramsay, Mr., 161, 162. 

sir William, of Balmayne, 127 ;/. 

Ratray, Ranald, of Ragnagalion, 289. 

Ravelston liouse, Midlothian, 119 71. 

' Reasons and grounds of our humble 
Desires,' 76, 77. 

Rebellion of 1715, 145, 323; causes 
of its failure, 170. 

of 1719, 146, 149. 

of 1745, 254, 363, 364. 

Records of the kingdom, 16. 

Regalia, papers relative to the, 10 1. 

Registers of general assembly re- 
covered by Wariston, 16 «. 

Relick, estate of, 274. 

Renton, laird of, his charter kist, 49. 

Ridpath, George i and 7i, 

Rigg, Mr., 246. 

Ripon, treaty of, 14. 

Rivan, general, 95, 96. 

Rollock, Harie, 96. 

Rome, 160. 

Rothes, earl of, 25, 35, 52, 55, 56, 70, 
72, 77, 92, 95. 97, 98. 

Ruddiman's Caledoinan Merairy, 282 
and 71, 283. 

Safe conducts, 68, 69. 

St. Giles, riot in, 1637, 24, 

Saltoun, 53, 56. 

Santlow, major, 275. 

Scatterraw, 42, 52. 

Scatwell, 262. 

Schuyler, madam, 295 and ;/. 

Scone, ceremony of coronation at, 

Scotland, letter to noblemen of, from 
the earl of Holland, 37 ; letter to 
the shires of, from the army, 45, 50 ; 
Mar's scheme for the government 
of, 194-205, 208 ; scheme for re- 
storing the ancient military spirit 
of, 215. 

Scots army, 4I, 43, 46, 47, 58, 62, 63, 
65, 66, 71, 92, 95, 97; provisions 
for, 46, 47, 53, 55, 56; money 
coined for, 56 ; letter from, to Edin- 
burgh committee, 62. 

fusileers, 141. 



Scots troops for France, 200, 210, 216, 

Scott, Walter, of Highchester, earl of 

Tarras, 10. 
Seaton house, 159. 
Selkirk (Selchrig), letter from, 51. 

earl of, 1 14, 287 n. 

Service book, 24, 28 and n, 83. 
Seton, Mr., of Delhi, 290. 

miss, of Touch, 252. 

Sharp, James, archbishop of St. 

Andrews, 8. 
Shearer, James, 290. 
Shrewsbury, duke of, 246. 
Silver to be coined, 56, 57. 
Skene, sir James, of Curriehill, 5, 7. 

sir John, of Curriehill, 5. 

' Some heads of H.M. treatie,' 93. 

Southesk, lord, 63, 128 n, 225, 227. 

Spott, S3. 

Stair, lord, 163, 167 n, 187. 

Stenton, 53, 56. 

Steuart, sir Henry, of AUanton, 252 ; 

letters to, from Mrs. Grant of 

Laggan, 253-271, 277, 2S4, 288, 

293, 295- 

Stewart of Inveruity, 189. 

Dr., 1 89. 

Alexander, trial of, 275 and n. 

sir James, of Coltness, lord 

advocate, memorial to, 134. 

John, 59. 

of Ballachclish, 254 and u. 

sir John, of Coldingham, 57. 

sir Lewis, advocate, 6. 

Stirling, 59; castle of, 183, 184, 199, 
210, 311. 

of Craigbarnet, 289. 

miss, of Kippendavy, 298. 

Stonehaven, 119;?. 

Straiton, captain, 242 ii. 

Stratheric, 259, 263, 264, 275, 280, 

Strath Glass, 274. 

Straton, Arthur, of Snadown, 128. 

Stuart, Dr. , at Luss, 295. 

hon. Mrs., 293 and 11. 

Charles Edward, 225, 325 and n, 

328 ; his meeting with Lovat after 
CuUoden, 265 ; MS. history of his 
campaigns in Scotland, 291. 

Helen, 290. 

Henry, cardinal of York, 291. 

James Francis Edward [the che- 
valier], 145, 152 and?;, 154, 159; 
extract of letter from the earl of 
Mar to, 146-149; approves of the 
earl of Mar's scheme for the govern- 
ment of Scotland, 151, 165, 166 ; 

sends Mar into Scotland, 163, 164 

and n, 170, 176; letters to, from 

IMar, 223, 244 ; letters from, to the 

earl of Mar, 206-211. 
Stuart, hon. W., primate of Ireland, 

293 and n. 
Suna, island of, bought by Wariston, 

Sunbury, 279, 297. 
Supplication with the king's majesty, 

Sussex, duke of, 291. 
Swinton, Helen, wife of Edward 

Henryson, 4 n. 

John, of that ilk, 4 n. 

Symmer, Mr., 189. 

Tantallon Castle, 35 and n. 

Tarfe, the, 304. 

Teviotdale, sheriff of, 42, 46, 58, 

Threve, siege of, 92. 

Tliought {a) with regard to Scotland 
on the Memorial, 241. 

Traitors cannot be declared by pro- 
clamation, 67. 

Tranent, 53, 55. 

Trapaud, governor of Fort Augustus, 

Traquair, high treasurer, 23, 88. 

Troup, Alexander, writer in Edin- 
burgh, 126, 132. 

Tuesden, Mr., 51. 

Tullibardine, marquis of, 254, 256 n ; 
account of his betrayal by 13uchanan 
of Drumakiln, 280-284. 

Tweed, the, 43, 59. 

Tyndrum, 311. 

Tyninghame, 53, 55. 

Union of England and Scotland, 2, 
142-143, 162, 163, 165, 194, 207, 

Urbino, 160. 

Vandruske, major-general, 104. 

Vane, sir Henry, 51. 

Verney, sir Edmund, 65 and 7i, 66, 68. 

sir Ralph, 32. 

Vincennes castle, 32S and n. 

Walkinshaw, miss, 328. 

Walpole, sir Robert, 10, 279. 

Wariston, Archibald Johnstone, lord, 
5, 871, 12-14, 25, 26, 31, 58, 61, 
71, 72, 76, 78, 85, 97; birth and 
education of, 7, 8 ; his papers and 
diary, i, 2 ; his character and 
opinions, 13-16; his long prayers. 



l6, 17; hated by Charles II., 18; 
frames the national covenant, 13, 
25 ; Scots commissioner at pacifica- 
tion of Berwick, 14 ; accepts office 
from Cromwell, 19, 20; silenced by 
the king, 85, 87 ; execution of, 12, 
13, 17, 18 ; portrait of, 33. 

Wariston, lady, 8, 12. 

Wariston's close, Edinburgh, 12. 

Watson, captain, letter to, from Ham- 
ilton, 59. 

John, 184. 

Waughtone, 52, 53. 

Wemyss, sir John, of Bogie, 11. 

Wester Barras, lands of, no. 

Westminster assembly, 1643, 14. 

Westnisbitt, 49. 

Wetherburne, laird of, 51, 57. 

Whitadder (Quhitteter), river, 59. 

Whitehall, 115. 

Whiterigs. See Keith, Robert 

Whittinghame, 56. 

Whittington, 53. 

Whytekirk, 53, 55. 

William in., 314, 318, 322. 

Wilson, Lilly, 254. 

Margaret, 254 n. 

William, of Murray's Hall, 

254 «. 

Winnercom, captain, 36. 

Woodend, 251. 

Worcester, battle of, 102, 

Wright of Loss, 287, 321 and n. 

Writers to the signet, proposed regu- 
lations for, 197. 

Yester, lord, 35, 56. 
York, 32. 

Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to Her Majesty 
at the Edinburgh University Press 

^cottisl) ^istoxv ^otittv 




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Dodds, Rev. James, D.D., The Manse, Corstorphine. 

Dods, Colonel P., United Service Club, Edinburgh. 

Donaldson, James, LL.D., Principal, St. Andrews University. 

Donaldson, James, Sunnyside, Formby, Liverpool. 

Douglas, David, 10 Castle Street, Edinburgh. 

Dowden, Right Rev. John, D.D., Bishop of Edinburgh, Lynn 
House, Gillsland Road, Edinburgh. 
110 DufF, T. Gordon, Drummuir, Keith. 

Duncan, James Barker, W.S., 6 Hill Street, Edinburgh. 

Duncan, John, 8 Lynedoch Place, Edinburgh. 

Dundas, Ralph, C.S., 28 Drumsheugh Gardens, Edinburgh. 

Dunn, Robert Hunter, Belgian Consulate, Glasgow. 

E ASTON, Walter, 125 Buchanan Street, Glasgow. 

Ewart, Prof. Cossar, The University, Edinburgh. 

Faulds, a. Wilson, Knockbuckle, Beith, Ayrshire. 

Ferguson, James, Advocate, 10 Wemyss Place, Edinburgh. 

Ferguson, John, Town Clerk, Linlithgow. 
120 Ferguson, Rev. John, Manse, Aberdalgie, Perth. 

Findlay, J. Ritchie, 3 Rothesay Terrace, Edinburgh. 

Findlay, Rev. Wm., The Manse, Saline, Fife. 

Firth, Charles Harding, 33 Norham Road, Oxford. 


Fleming, D. Hay, l6 Greyfriars Garden, St. Andrews. 

Fleming, J. S., l6 Grosvenor Crescent, Edinburgh. 

Flint, Prof., D.D., LL.D., Johnstone Lodge, Craigmillav Park, 

Forrest, James R. P., 32 Broughton Place, Edinburgh. 
Forrester, John, 29 Windsor Street, Edinburgh. 
Foulis, James, M.D., 34 Heriot Row, Edinburgh. 
130 Foulis, Thomas, 27 Cluny Gardens, Edinburgh. 

Eraser, Professor A. Campbell, D.C.L., LL.D., Gorton 

House, Hawthornden. 

Gairdner, Charles, Broom, Newton-Mearns, Glasgow. 

Galletly, Edwin G., 7 St. Ninian's Terrace, Edinburgh. 

Gardiner, Samuel Rawson, LL.D., 7 South Park, Sevenoaks, 

Gardner, Alexander, 7 Gilmour Street, Paisley. 

Garson, William, W.S., 60 Palmerston Place, Edinburgh. 

Gartshore, Miss Murray, Ravelston, Blackball, Edinburgh. 

Geikie, Sir Archibald, LL.D., Geological Survey, 28 Jermyn 
Street, London, S.W. 

Geikie, Prof. James, LL.D., 31 Merchiston Aven., Edinburgh. 
140 Gibson, Andrew, 3 Morrison Street, Govan. 

Gibson, J. C, c/o James Forbes, 18 Coltbridge Terrace, 
Murrayfield, Edinburgh. 

Gibson, James T., LLB., W.S., 37 George Street, Edinburgh. 

Giles, Arthur, 107 Princes Street, Edinburgh, 

Gillespie, Mrs. G. R., 5 Darnaway Street, Edinburgh. 

Gillies, Walter, M.A., The Academy, Perth. 

Gordon, Rev. Robert, Mayfield Gardens, Edinburgh. 

Goudie, Gilbert, F.S.A. Scot, 39 Northumberland St., Edin- 

Goudie, Robert, Commissary Clerk of Ayrshire, Ayr. 

Gourlay, Robert, Bank of Scotland, Glasgow. 
150 Gow, Leonard, Hayston, Kelvinside, Glasgow. 

Graeme, Lieut.-Col. Laurence, Fonthill, Shaldon, Teignmouth, 


Graeme, Lieut.-Col. R. C, Naval and Military Club, 94 Picca- 
dilly, London. 

Grant, William G. L., Woodside, East Newport, Fife. 

Gray, George, Clerk of the Peace, Glasgow. 

Green, Charles E., 18 St. Giles Street, Edinburgh. 

Greig, Andrew, 36 Belmont Gardens, Hillhead, Glasgow. 

Gunning, His Excellency Robert Haliday, M.D., 12 Addison 
Crescent, Kensington, London, W. 

Guthrie, Charles J., Advocate, 13 Royal Circus, Edinburgh. 

Guy, Robert, 120 West Regent Street, Glasgow. 
l60 Halkett, Miss Katherine E., 3 Pitt Street, Camden Hill, 
London, W. 

Hall, David, Crookedholm House, Hurlford, Ayrshire. 

Hallen, Rev. A. W. Cornelius, The Parsonage, Alloa. \ 

Hamilton, Hubert, Advocate, 55 Manor Place, Edinburgh. 

Hamilton, Lord, of Dalzell, Motherwell. 

Hamilton-Ogilvy, Henry T. N., Prestonkirk. 

Harrison, John, 8 St. Andrew Square, Edinburgh. 

Hedderwick, A. W. H., 79 St. George's Place, Glasgow. 

Henderson, J. G. B., Nether Parkley, Linlithgow. 

Henderson, Joseph, 1 1 Blythswood Square, Glasgow. 
170 Henry, David, 2 Lockhart Place, St. Andrews, Fife. 

Hewison, Rev. J. King, The Manse, Rothesay. 

Hill, William H., LL.D., Barlanark, Shettleston, Glasgow. 

Honeyman, John, A.R.S.A., 140 Bath Street, Glasgow. 

Howden, Charles R. A., Advocate, 25 Melville Street, Edin- 

Hunter, Colonel, F.R.S., of Plas Coch, Anglesea. 

Hutcheson, Alexander, Herschel House, Broughty Ferry. 

Hutchison, Rev. John, D.D., Afton Lodge, Bonnington. 

Hyslop, J. M., M.D., 22 Palmerston Place, Edinburgh. 

Imrie, Mrs. T. Nairne, 34 Ann Street, Edinburgh. 

180 Jameson, J. H., W.S., 3 Northumberland Street, Edinburgh. 
Jamieson, George Auldjo, C.A., 37 Drumsheugh Gardens, 


Jamieson, J. Auldjo, W.S., 14 Buckingham Ter., Edinburgh. 
Johnston, D., Glenholm, 204 Newhaven Road, Edinburgh. 
Johnston, David, 24 Huntly Gardens, Kelvinside, Glasgow. 
Johnston, George Harvey, 22 Garscube Terrace, Edinburgh. 
Johnston, George P., 33 George Street, Edinburgh. 
Johnstone, James F. Kellas, 431 Union Street, Aberdeen. 
Johnstone, J. T., 20 Broughton Place, Edinburgh. 
Jonas, Alfred Charles, Poundfald, Penclawdd, Swansea. 

190 Kemp, D. William, Ivy Lodge, Trinity, Edinburgh. 

Kennedy, Neil J., Advocate, 71 Great King Street, Edinburgh. 
Kermack, John, W.S., 13 Glencairn Crescent, Edinburgh. 
Kincairney, The Hon. Lord, 6 Heriot Row, Edinburgh. 
Kinnear, The Hon. Lord, 2 Moray Place, Edinburgh. 
Kirkpatrick, Prof. John, LL.D., Advocate, 24 Alva Street, 

Kirkpatrick, Robert, 1 Queen Square, Strathbungo, Glasgow. 

Laidlaw, David, Jun., 6 Marlborough Terrace, Kelvinside, 

Lamb, A, C, 3 Lansdowne Place, Dundee. 
Lang, James, 9 Crown Gardens, Dowanhill, Glasgow. 
200 Langwill, Robert B., The Manse, Currie. 

Laurie, Professor S. S., Nairne Lodge, Duddingston. 

Law, Thomas Graves, Signet Libi'aiy, Edinburgh, Secretary. 

Leadbetter, Thomas, 2 Magdala Place, Edinburgh. 

Leslie, Colonel, of Kininvie, Banffshire. 

Livingstone, M., 47 Braid Road, Edinburgh. 

Logan, C. B., D.K.S., 12 Rothesay Place, Edinburgh. 

Lorimer, George, 2 Abbotsford Crescent, Edinburgh. 

Low, James F., Seaview, Monifieth. 

Macadam, J. H., 95 Leith Street, Edinburgh. 
210 Macadam, W. Ivison,Slioch, Lady Road, Newington, Edinburgh. 
M'Alpine, William, 1 1 Archibald Place, Edinburgh. 
Macandrew, Sir Henry C, Aisthorpe, Midmills Road, Inverness. 
M'Bain, J. M., British Linen Bank, Arbroath. 


Macbrayne, David, Jun., 17 Royal Exchange Square, Glasgow. 

M'Candlish, John M., W.S., 27 Drumshe ugh Gar., Edinburgh. 

Macdonald, James, W.S., 4 Whitehouse Terrace, Edinburgh. 

Macdonald, W. Rae, 1 Forres Street, Edinburgh. 

Macdougall, Jas. Patten, Advocate, 39 Heriot Row, Edinburgh. 

M^Ewen, W. C, W.S., 2 Rothesay Place, Edinburgh. 
220 Macfarlane, Geo. L., Advocate, 3 St. Colme Street, Edinburgh. 

Macgeorge, B. B., 19 Woodside Crescent, Glasgow. 

MacGregor, John, W.S., 10 Dundas Street, Edinburgh. 

M'Grigor, Alexander, 172 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. 

Macintyre, P. M., Advocate, 12 India Street, Edinburgh. 

Mackay, ^neas J. G., LL.D., 7 Albyn Place, Edinburgh. 

Mackay, Eneas, 43 Murray Place, Stirling. 

Mackay, Rev. G. S., M.A., Free Church Manse, Doune. 

Mackay, James F., W.S., Whitehouse, Cramond. 

Mackay, James R., 37 St. Andrew Square, Edinburgh. 
230 Mackay, Thomas, 14 Wetherby Place, South Kensington, 
London, S.W. 

Mackay,';Thomas A., British Linen Bank House, Inverness. 

Mackay, William, Solicitor, Inverness. 

Mackenzie, A., St. Catherines, Paisley. 

Mackenzie, David J., Sheriff-Substitute, Wick. 

Mackenzie, Thomas, M.A., Sheriff-Substitute of Ross, Tain, 

Mackinlay, David, 6 Great Western Terrace, Glasgow. 

Mackinnon, Professor, 1 Merchiston Place, Edinburgh, 

Mackintosh, Charles Eraser, 18 Pont Street, London, S.W, 

Mackintosh, W. F., 27 Commerce Street, Arbroath, 
240 Maclachlan, John, W.S., 12 Abercromby Place, Edinburgh. 

Maclagan, Prof. Sir Douglas, M.D., 28 Heriot Row, Edinburgh. 

Maclagan, Robert Craig, M.D., 5 Coates Crescent, Edinburgh. 

Maclauchlan, John, Albert Institute, Dundee. 

Maclean, Sir Andrew, Viewfield House, Balshagray, Partick, 

Maclean, William C, F.R.G.S., 31 Camperdown Place, Great 

MacLehose, James J., 6l St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. 


Macleodj Rev. Walter, 112 Thirlestane Road, Edinburgh. 

Macphail, J. R. N., Advocate, 53 Castle Street, Edinburgh. 

M'Phee, Donald, Oakfield, Fort William. 
250 Macray, Rev. W. D., Bodleian Library, Oxford. 

Macritchie, David, 4 Archibald Place, Edinburgh. 

Main, W. D., 128 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. 

Marshall, John, Caldergrove, Newton, Lanarkshire. 

Martin, Francis John, W.S., 9 Glencairn Crescent, Edinburgh. 

Marwick, Sir J. D., LL.D., Killermont House, Maryhill, 

Massie, James, 6 Inverleith Avenue, Edinburgh. 

Masson, David, LL.D., Gowanlea, Juniper Green. 

Mathieson, Thomas A., 3 Grosvenor Terrace, Glasgow. 

Maxwell, W. J., Terraughtie, Dumfries. 
260 Melville, Viscount, Melville Castle, Lasswade. 

Melville, Rev. Dr., Culfargie, Polwarth Terrace, Edinburgh. 

Mill, Alex., 9 Dalhousie Terrace, Edinburgh. 

Millar, Alexander H., Rosslyn House, Clepington Rd., Dundee. 

Miller, P., Dalmeny Lodge, Ci-aiglockhart, Slateford. 

Milligan, John, W.S., 10 Carlton Terrace, Edinburgh. 

Milne, A. & R., Union Street, Aberdeen. 

Milne, Mrs., Viewlands, Perth. 

Mitchell, Rev. Prof. A. F., D.D., St. Andrews. 

Mitchell, Sir Arthur, K.C.B., M.D., LL.D., 34 Drummond 
Place, Edinburgh. 
270 Mitchell, James, 240 Darnley Street, Pollokshields, Glasgow. 

Moncrieff, W. G. Scott, Advocate, Weedingshall House, 

MofFatt, Alexander, 23 Abercromby Place, Edinburgh. 

MoiFatt, Alexander, jun., M.A., LL.B., Advocate, 45 Northum- 
berland Street, Edinburgh. 

Morison, John, 1 1 Burnbank Gardens, Glasgow. 

Morries-Stirling, J. M., Gogar House, Stirling. 

Morrison, Hew, 7 Hermitage Terrace, Morningside. 

Muir, James, 27 Huntly Gardens, Dowanhill, Glasgow. 
Muirhead, James, 2 Bowmont Gardens, Kelvinside, Glasgow. 


Murdoch^ Rev. A. D., All Saints' Parsonage, Edinburgh. 
280 Murdoch, J. B., of Capelrig, Mearns, Renfrewshire. 
Murray, David, I69 West George Street, Glasgow. 
Murray, Colonel John, Polmaise Castle, Stii'ling. 

NicoLsoN, A. B., W.S., Westbourne House, Union Street, 

Norfor, Robert T., C. A., 1 1 Hope Terrace, Edinburgh. 

Ogilvy, Sir Reginald, Bart., Baldovan, Dundee. 

Oliver, James, Thornwood, Hawick. 

Orrock, Archibald, 17 St. Catherine's Place, Edinburgh. 

Panton, George A., F.R.S.E., 73 Westfield Road, Edgbaston, 

Paton, Allan Park, Home Cottage, Roseneath St., Greenock. 
290 Paton, Henry, M.A., 15 Myrtle Terrace, Edinburgh. 

Paton, Victor A. Noel, W.S., 33 George Square, Edinburgh. 

Patrick, David, LL.D., 339 High Street, Edinburgh. 

Paul, J. Balfour, Advocate, Lyon King of Arms, 30 Heriot 
Row, Edinburgh. 

Paul, Rev. Robert, F.S.A. Scot., Dollar. 

Pearson, David Ritchie, M.D., 23 Upper Phillimore Place, 
Phillimore Gardens, London, W. 

Pillans, Hugh H., 12 Dryden Place, Edinburgh. 

Pollock, Hugh, Craig-Ard, Langside, Glasgow. 

Prentice, A. R., 18 Kilblain Street, Greenock. 

Prothero, Professor, 2 Eton Terrace, Edinburgh. 
300 Pullar, Sir Robert, Tayside, Perth. 

Purves, A. P., W.S., Esk Tower, Lasswade. 

Ramsay, William, 10 Frederick Street, Edinburgh. 

Rankine, John, Advocate, Professor of Scots Law, 23 Ainslie 

Place, Edinburgh. 
Reichel, H. R., Principal, University College, Bangor, North 

Reid, Alexander George, Solicitor, Auchterarder. 


Reid, John Alexander, Advocate^ 1 1 Royal Circus, Edinburgh. 

Renwick, Robert, Depute Town-Clerk, City Chambers, Glasgow. 

Richardson, Ralph, W.S., Commissary Office, 2 Parliament 
Square, Edinburgh. 

Ritchie, David, Hopeville, Dowanhill Gardens, Glasgow. 
310 Ritchie, R. Peel, M.D., 1 Melville Crescent, Edinburgh. 

Roberton, James D., 1 Park Terrace East, Glasgow. 

Robertson, A. Ireland, 31 Sciennes Road, Edinburgh. 

Robertson, D. Argyll, M.D., 18 Charlotte Square, Edinburgh. 

Robertson, John, Elmslea, Dundee. 

Robson, William, Marchholm, Gillsland Road, Edinburgh. 

Rogerson, John J., LL.D., Merchiston Castle, Edinburgh. 

Rosebery, The Earl of, K.G., Dalmeny Park, Linlithgowshire. 

Ross, T. S., Balgillo Terrace, Broughty Ferry. 

Ross, Mrs., 7 Grange Terrace, Edinburgh. 
320 Ross, Rev. William, St. Mary's Manse, Partickhill, Glasgow. 

Scott, Rev. Archibald, D.D., l6 Rothesay Place, Edinburgh. 
Scott, John, C.B., Seafield, Greenock. 
Shaw, David, W.S., 1 Thistle Court, Edinburgh. 
Shaw, Rev. R. D., B.D., 21 Lauder Road, Edinburgh. 
Shaw, Thomas, M.P., Advocate, 17 Abercromby PL, Edinburgh. 
Sheriff, George, Woodcroft, Larbert, Stirlingshire. 
Shiells, Robert, National Bank of Neenah, Neenah Wisconsin. 
Simpson, Prof. A. R., 52 Queen Street, Edinburgh. 
Simpson, H. F. Morland, 80 Hamilton Place, Aberdeen. 
330 Simpson, Sir W. G., Bart., Balabraes, Ayton, Berwickshire. 
Simson, D. J., Advocate, 3 Glenfinlas Street, Edinburgh. 
Sinclair, Alexander, Glasgow Herald Office, Glasgow. 
Skelton, John, Advocate, C.B., LL.D., the Hermitage of 

Braid, Edinburgh. 
Skinner, William, W.S., 35 George Square, Edinburgh. 
Smail, Adam, 13 Cornwall Street, Edinburgh. 
Smart, William, M.A., Nunholm, Dowanhill, Glasgow. 
Smith, Andrew, Broompark, Lanark. 
Smith, Sir Donald A., K.C.M.G., Glencoe, Argyllshire. 


Smith, G. Gregory, M.A., 9 Warrender Park Cres., Edinburgh. 
S40 Smith, Rev. G. Mure, 6 Clarendon Place, Stirling. 

Smith, Rev. R. Nimmo, LL.D., Manse of the First Charge, 

Smith, Robert, 9 Ward Road, Dundee. 
Smythe, David M., Methven Castle, Perth. 
Somerville, F. R., Glencorse Cottage, Morningside Park, 

Sprott, Rev. George W., D.D., The Manse, North Berwick. 
Stair, Earl of, Oxenfoord Castle, Dalkeith. 
Steele, W. Cunninghame, Advocate, 69 Gt. King St., Edinburgh. 
Stephen, Rev. William, Parsonage, Dumbarton. 
Stevenson, J. H., Advocate, 9 Oxford Terrace, Edinburgh. 
350 Stevenson, Rev. Robert, M.A., The Abbey, Dunfermline. 
Stewart, Donald W., 62 Princes Street, Edinburgh. 
Stewart, Major-General Shaw, 6I Lancaster Gate, London, W. 
Stewart, R. K., Murdostoun Castle, Newmains, Lanarkshire. 
Stewart, Prof Sir T. Grainger,M.D., 19CharlotteSq.,Edinburgh. 
Strathallan, Lady, Machany House, Perthshire. 
Strathern, Robert, W.S., 12 South Charlotte St., Edinburgh. 
Strathmore, Earl of, Glamis Castle, Glamis. 
Sturrock, James S., W.S., 122 George Street, Edinburgh. 
Sutherland, James B., S.S.C., 10 Windsor Sti'eet, Edinburgh. 

360 Taylor, Benjamin, 10 Derby Crescent, Kelvinside, Glasgow. 
Taylor, James Pringle, W.S., 19 Young Street, Edinburgh. 
Taylor, Rev. Malcolm C, D.D., Professor of Church History, 

6 Greenhill Park, Edinburgh. 
Telford, Rev. W. H., Free Church Manse, Reston, Berwickshire. 
Tennant, Sir Charles, Bart., The Glen, Innerleithen. 
Thoms, George H. M., Advocate, 13 Charlotte Sq., Edinburgh. 
Thomson, John Comrie, Advocate, 30 Moray Place, Edinburgh. 
Thomson, Rev. John Henderson, Free Church Manse, 

Hightae, by Lockerbie. 
Thomson, John Maitland, Advocate, 3 Grosvenor Gardens, 



Thomson, Lockhart, S.S.C, 114 George Street, Edinburgh. 
370 Trail, John A., LL.B., W.S., 14 Belgrave Place, Edinburgh. 
Trayner, The Hon. Lord, 27 Moray Place, Edinburgh. 
Tuke, John Batty, M.D., 20 Charlotte Square, Edinburgh. 
Tweedale, Mrs., Milton Hall, Milton, Cambridge. 
Tweeddale, Marquis of, Yester, Gilford, Haddington. 

Underbill, Charles E., M.D., 8 Coates Crescent, Edinburgh. 

Veitch, G. S., Friarshall, Paisley. 

Waddel, Katherine, 37 Monteith Row, Glasgow. 

Walker, Alexander, 64 Hamilton Place, Aberdeen. 

Walker, James, Hanley Lodge, Corstorphine. 
380 Walker, Louson, Westhorpe, Greenock. 

Walker, Robert, M.A., Tillydrone House, Old Aberdeen. 

Wannop, Rev. Canon, Parsonage, Haddington. 

Warrender, Miss, Bruntsfield House, Edinburgh. 

Waterston, George, 56 Hanover Street, Edinburgh. 

Watson, D., Hillside Cottage, Hawick. 

Watson, James, 40 Barscombe Avenue, Streatham Hill, 

Waugh, Alexander, National Bank, Newton-Stewart, N.B. 

Williamson, A. C, Advocate, 6 Moray Place, Edinburgh. 

Wilson, Rev. J. Skinner, 53 Albany Street, Edinburgh. 
390 Wilson, John J., Clydesdale Bank, Penicuik. 

Wilson, Robert Dobie, 38 Upper Brook Street, London, W. 

Wood, Alexander, Thornly, Saltcoats. 

Wood, Mrs. Christina S., Woodburn, Galashiels. 

Wood, Prof J. P., W.S., 16 Buckingham Terrace, Edinburgh. 

Wood, W. A., C.A., 11 Clarendon Crescent, Edinburgh. 

Wordie, John, 45 West Nile Street, Glasgow. 

Young, A. J., Advocate, 60 Great King Street, Edinburgh. 
Young, David, Town Clerk, Paisley. 
Young, J. W., W.S., 22 Royal Circus, Edinburgh. 
400 Young, William Laurence, Solicitor, Auchterarder. 


Aberdeen Free Public Library. 

Aberdeen University Libi-ary. 

All Souls College, Oxford. 

Antiquaries, Society of, Edinburgh. 

Athengeum Club, 107 Pall Mall, London, S.W. 

Baillie's Listitution Free Library, 4-8 Miller St., Glasgow. 

Belfast Library, Donegall Square North, Belfast, Ireland. 

Berlin Royal Library. 

Birmingham Free Library. 
10 Bodleian Library, Oxford. 

Boston Athenaeum. 

Boston Public Library. 

Cambridge University Library. 

Copenhagen (Bibliotheque Royale). 

Cornell University, Ithaca, Michigan, U.S.A. 

Dollar Institution. 

Dundee Free Library. 

Dresden Public Library. 

Edinburgh Public Library. 
20 Edinburgh University Library. 

Free Church College Library, Edinburgh. 

Free Church College Library, Glasgow. 

Glasgow University Library. 

Gray's Inn, Hon. Society of, London. 

Harvard College Library, Cambridge, Mass. 

Inverness Free Library. 

Leeds Subscription Library. 

London Corporation Library, Guildhall. 

London Library, 12 St. James Square. 
30 Manchester Public Free Library. 

Mitchell Library, Glasgow. 

National Liberal Club, London. 

National Library of Ireland. 

Nottingham Free Public Library. 

Ottawa Parliamentary Library. 

Paisley Philosophical Institution. 

Peabody Institute, Baltimore. 

Philosophical Institution, Edinburgh. 

Procurators, Faculty of, Glasgow. 
40 Reform Club, Pall Mall, London, S.W. 

Royal College of Physicians, Edinburgh. 

St. Andrews University Library. 

Sheffield Free Public Library. 

Signet Library, Edinburgh. 

Solicitors, Society of, before the Supreme Court, Edinburgh. 

Speculative Society, Edinburgh. 

Stonyhurst College, Blackburn, Lancashire. 

Sydney Free Library. 

Toronto Public Library. 
50 United Presbyterian College Library, Edinburgh. 

Vienna, Library of the R. I. University. 

S)eottifii) ^istoxv ^otittv. 


The Earl of Rosebery, K.G., K.T., LL.D. 

Chairman of Council. 
David Masson, LL.D., Historiographer Royal for Scotland. 

.Eneas J. G. Mackay, Sheriff' of Fife and Kinross. 
Sir John Cowan, Bart. 
J. Balfour Paul, Lyon King of Arms. 
G, W. Prothero, Professor of History in the University 
of Edinburgh. 


P. Hume Brown, LL.D. 

J. Ferguson, Advocate. 

Right Rev. John Dowden, D.D., Bishop of Edinburgh. 

Professor Sir Thomas Grainger Stewart, M.D. 

J. R. N. Macphail, Advocate. 

Rev. A. W. Cornelius Hallen. 

Sir Arthur Mitchell, K.C.B., M.D., LL.D. 

Corresponding Members of the Cotincil. 

C. H. Firth, Oxford; Samuel Rawson Gardiner, LL.D.; Rev. 
W. D. Macray, Oxford ; Rev. Professor A. F. Mitchell, D.D., 
St, Andrews. 

Hon. Treasurer. 
J. T. Clark, Keeper of the Advocates' Library. 

Hon. Secretary. 
T, G. Law, Librarian, Signet Library. 


1. The object of the Society is the discovery and printing, 
under selected editorship, of unpublished documents illus- 
trative of the civil, religious, and social history of Scotland. 
The Society will also undertake, in exceptional cases, to issue 
translations of printed works of a similar nature, which have 
not hitherto been accessible in English. 

2. The number of Members of the Society shall be limited 
to 400. 

3. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council, 
consisting of a Chairman, Treasurer, Secretary, and twelve 
elected Members, five to make a quorum. Three of the twelve 
elected Members shall retire annually by ballot, but they shall 
be eligible for re-election. 

4. The Annual Subscription to the Society shall be One 
Guinea. The publications of the Society shall not be delivered 
to any Member whose Subscription is in arrear, and no 
Member shall be permitted to receive more than one copy of 
the Society's publications. 

5. The Society will undertake the issue of its own publica- 
tions, i.e. without the intervention of a publisher or any other 
paid agent. 

6. The Society will issue yearly two octavo volumes of about 
320 pages each. 

7. An Annual General Meeting of the Society shall be held 
on the last Tuesday in October, 

8. Two stated Meetings of the Council shall be Iield each 
year, one on the last Tuesday of IVIay, the other on the Tues- 
day preceding the day upon which the Annual General 
Meeting shall be held. The Secretary, on the request of 
three Members of the Council, shall call a special meeting of 
the Council. 

9. Editors shall receive 20 copies of each volume they edit 
for the Society. 

10. The owners of Manuscripts published by the Society will 
also be presented with a certain number of copies. 

11. The Annual Balance-Sheet, Rules, and List of Members 
shall be printed. 

12. No alteration shall be made in these Rules except at a 
General Meeting of the Society. A fortnight's notice of any 
alteration to be proposed shall be given to the Members of the 



For the year 1886-1887. 

1. Bishop Pococke's Tours in Scotland, 1747-1760. Edited by 

D. W. Kemp. (Oct. 1887.) 

2. Diary of and General Expenditure Book of William 

Cunningham of Craigends, 1673-1680, Edited by the Rev. 
James Dodds, D.D. (Oct. 1887.) 

For the year 1887-1888. 

3. Panurgi Philo-caballi Scoti Grameidos libri sex. — The 

Grameid : an heroic poem descriptive of the Campaign of 
Viscount Dundee in 1689, by James Philip of Almerieclose. 
Translated and Edited by the Rev. A. D. Murdoch. 

(Oct. 1888.) 

4. The Register of the Kirk-Session of St. Andrews. Part i. 

1559-1582. Edited by D. Hay Fleming. (Feb. 1889.) 

For the year 1888-1889. 

5. Diary of the Rev. John Mill, Minister of Dunrossness, Sand- 

virick, and Cunningsburgh, in Shetland, 1740-1803. Edited 
by Gilbert Goudie, F.S.A. Scot. (June 1889.) 

6. Narrative of Mr. James Nimmo, a Covenanter, 1654-1709. 

Edited by W. G. Scott-Moncrieff, Advocate. (June 1889.) 

7. The Register of the Kirk-Session of St. Andrews. Part ii. 

1583-1600. Edited by D. Hay Fleming. (Aug. 1890.) 


For the year 1889-1890. 

8. A List of Persons concerned in the Rebellion (1745). With 
a Preface by the Earl of Rosebery and Annotations by the 
Rev. Walter Macleod. (Sept. 1890.) 

Presented to the Society by the Earl of Rosebery. 

9. Glamis Papers: The "^ Book of Record/ a Diary written by 

Patrick, first Earl of Strathmore, and other documents 
relating to Glamis Castle (1684-89). Edited by A. H. 
Millar, F.S.A. Scot. (Sept. 1890.) 

10. John Major's History of Greater Britain (1521). Trans- 
lated and Edited by Archibald Constable, with a Life of the 
author by ^neas J. G. Mackay, Advocate. (Feb. 1892.) 

For the year 1890-1891. 

11. The Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies, 

1646-47. Edited by the Rev. Professor Mitchell, D.D., and 
the Rev. James Christie, D.D., with an Introduction by the 
former. (May 1892.) 

12. Court-Book of the Barony of Urie, 1604-1747. Edited 
by the Rev. D. G. Barron, from a ms. in possession of Mr. R, 
Barclay of Dorking. (Oct. 1892.) 

For the year 1891-189^. 

13. Memoirs of the Life of Sir John Clerk of Penicuik, 
Baronet, Baron of the Exchequer, Commissioner of the Union, 
etc. Extracted by himself froin his own Journals, 1676-1755. 
Edited from the original ms. in Penicuik House by John M. 
Gray, F.S.A. Scot. (Dec. 1892.) 

14. Diary of Col. the Hon. John Erskine of Carnock, 1683- 

1687. From a ms. in possession of Henry David Erskine, 
Esq., of Cardross. Edited by the Rev. Walter Macleod. 

(Dec. 1893.) 


For the 1/ear 189^-1893. 

15. Miscellany of the Scottish History Society, First Volume — 

The Library of James vl, 1573-83. 

Documents illustrating Catholic Policy, 1596-98. 

Letters of Sir Thomas Hope, 1627-46. 

Civil War Papers, 1645-50. 

Lauderdale Correspondence, 1 660-7 7. 

Turnbull's Diary, 1657-1704. 

Masterton Papers, 1 660-1 719- 

AccoMPT OF Expenses in Edinburgh, 1715. 

Rebellion Papers, 1715 and 1745. (Dec. 1893.) 

16. Account Book of Sir John Foulis of Ravelston (1671-1707). 

Edited by the Rev. A. W, Cornelius Hallen. 

(June 1894.) 

For the year 1893-1894. 

17. Letters and Papers illustrating the Relations between 

Charles ii. and Scotland in 1650. Edited, with Notes and 
Introduction, by Samuel Rawson Gardiner, LL.D., etc. 

(July 1894.) 

18. Scotland and the Commonwealth. Letters and Papers 

relating to the Military Government of Scotland, Aug. 
1651 — Dec. 1653. Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by 
C. H. Firth, M.A. (Oct. 1895.) 

For the year 1894-1895. 

19. The Jacobite Attempt of 1719- Letters of James, second 

Duke of Ormonde, relating to Cardinal Alberoni's project 
for the Invasion of Great Britain on behalf of the 
Stuarts, and to the Landing of the Earl Marischal in 
Scotland. Edited by W. K. Dickson, Advocate. (Dec. 1895.) 

20. 21. The Lyon in Mourning, or a Collection of Speeches, 

Letters, Journals, etc., relative to the Affairs of Prince 
Charles Edward Stuart, by the Rev. Robert Forbes, A.M., 
Bishop of Ross and Caithness. 1746-1775. Edited from his 
Manuscript by Henry Paton, M.A. Vols. i. and 11. 

(Oct. 1895.) 


For the year 1895-1896. 

22. The Lyon in Mourning. Vol. in. (Oct. 1896.) 

23. Supplement to the Lyon in Mourning. — Itinerary of Prince 
Charles Edward. With a Map. Edited by W. B. Blaikie. 

(Jan. 1897.) 

24. Extracts from the Presbytery Records of Inverness and 

Dingwall from 1638 to i688. Edited by William Mackay. 

(Oct. 1896.) 

25. Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies 
(continued) for the years 1648 and I649. Edited by the Rev. 
Professor Mitchell, D.D., and Rev. James Christie, D.D, 

(Dec. I896.) 

For the year 1896-1897. 
Wariston's Diary and other Papers — 

Fragments of the Diary of Sir Archibald Johnston, Lord 

Wariston, 1639. Edited by George M. Paul, W.S. 
Papers relative to the preservation of the Honours of 

Scotland in Dunnottar Castle, 1651-52. Edited by 

Charles R. A. Howden, Advocate. 
The Earl of Mar's Legacies to Scotland and to his Son 

Lord Erskine, 1722, 1726. Edited by the Hon. Stuart 

Letters written by Mrs. Grant of Laggan concerning 

Highland Affairs and Persons connected with the 

Stuart Cause in the Eighteenth Century. Edited by 

J. R. N. Macphail, Advocate. (Dec. I896.) 

Presented to the Society by Messrs. T. and A. Constable. 

Journals and Papers of John Murray of Broughton, Prince 
Charles' Secretary. Edited by R. Fitzroy Bell, Advocate. 

AccoMPT-BooK OF Bailie David Wedderburne, Merchant of 
Dundee, 1587-1630. With Shipping Lists of the Port of 
Dundee, 1580-1630. Edited by A. H. Millar. 

In j)reparation. 
Journal of a Foreign Tour in 1665 and I666 by John Lauder, 
Lord Fountainhall. Edited by Donald Crawford, Sheriff 
of Aberdeenshire. 


The Political Correspondence of Jean de Montreuil with 
Cardinal Mazarin and others concerning Scottish Affairs, 
1645-1648. Edited from the originals in the French Foreign 
Office, with Translation and Notes by J. G. Fotheringham. 

Scotland during the Protectorate, 1653-1659 ; in continuation 
of Scotland and the CoMMONWEALTii. Edited by C. H. Firth. 

Sir Thomas Craig's De Unione Regnorum Britanni^e. Edited, 
with an English Translation, from the unpublished ms. in the 
Advocates' Libi-ary, by David Masson, Historiographer Royal. 

A Translation of the Statuta Ecclesi^ Scotican^, 1225-1556, 
by David Patrick, LL.D. 

Documents in the Archives of the Hague and Rotterdam 
concerning the Scots Brigade in Holland. Edited by J, 
Ferguson, Advocate. 

Records of the Commissions of the General Assemblies (co7i~ 
tinued), for the years 1650-53. 

Register of the Consultations of the Ministers of Edinburgh, 


Papers relating to the Rebellions of 1715 and 1745, with other 

documents from the Municipal Archives of the City of Perth. 
The Diary of Andrew Hay of Stone, near Biggar, afterwards 

of Craignethan Castle, 1659-60. Edited by A. G. Reid 

from a manuscript in his possession. 
A Selection of the Forfeited Estates Papers preserved inH.M. 

General Register House and elsewhere. Edited by A. H. 

A Translation of the Historia Abbatum de Kynlos of 

Ferrerius. By Archibald Constable. 
Documents relating to the Affairs of the Roman Catholic 

Party in Scotland, from the year of the Armada to the 

Union of the Crowns. Edited by Thomas Graves Law. 

Macfarlane's Genealogical and Topographical Collections in 
the Advocates Library. Edited by J. T. Clark, Keeper of 
the Library.